Enslavement (16 results)

Condition: Very Good. 10 pages. An authentic standalone article, extracted from a larger volume. Not a reprint or reproduction, but an original work in its own right. Preserved in a modern card cover, prepared for practicality - an unassuming but serviceable presentation that favours function over finery. Size: 14 x 22.5 cms. Category: Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine; Cosmo Books : 29 years on ABE, 47 years taking care of customers. A bookseller you can rely on. Softcover (Booklet - Unbound Pages).…

CD. Condition: Sehr gut. B3464-247 4001617266120 Sprache: Englisch Gewicht in Gramm: 120.

First. A short history of enslavement by Booker T. Washington, issued as an inexpensive school reader, with an introductory biographical sketch by Emmett J. Scott. The wrappers advertise the publisher's other readers, arranged by school grade, at five cents each or five dollars per hundred. Washington describes the Atlantic trade, kidnapping and the Middle Passage, the development of hereditary enslavement, and the legal authority exercised by enslavers. His discussion of plantation life includes the Mississippi plantations of Joseph and Jefferson Davis, the work of enslaved artisans and preachers, religious gatherings, and cornshucking songs. Accounts of the violence and coercion of slavery appear alongside stories of devotion to former owners, with the final section taking a distinctly conciliatory view of plantation society. The concluding page reads: "Half the charm of Southern life was made by the presence of the Negro. The homes that had no Negro servants were dreary by contrast with those that did. The native quality of the Negro, his natural sympathy, cheerfulness and good humor, and above all his fidelity to his master and his master's children, helped to make slavery, for both white man and black man, a very much more tolerable institution than it would otherwise have been. Almost all that has been said of slavery, whether good or bad, is probably true as far as it goes. The institution had its heartless and its human side, and, since slavery is no more, it is perhaps better to close this story with this brighter and more cheerful view." . Very good plus with some toning. 31 pp. 5 x 7 ¼ inches. Original stapled pictorial wrappers, with a portrait of Washington on the front wrapper. Instructor Literature Series, No. 286. …

Condition: Excellent. A strong letter from Washington during the opening weeks of the Civil War, written after the attack on Fort Sumter and the rush of Federal troops into the capital. C.S. Fowler recalls the recent fear that Washington itself would be attacked, describes the large military presence in and around the city, declares his support for the Union, and gives an assessment of the cause of the conflict: "These are stirring times, and much as I never anticipated, about a month since we expected that our City would have been attacked by Southern Rebels. I cannot call them by a milder name, for they are doing all they can to overthrow the Government. With us at the present time the question is Union or Disunion. I am decided in upholding the Federal Government that has conferred so great [a] blessing on the people of this great Republic. No Nation has prospered like it, God grant that it may be continued to us, and I have full confidence that its blessings will, notwithstanding our present troubles, be continued to us. We have 40,000 troops in and near this City, and the free States will send five times as many if they are wanted. Slavery is the cause of this trouble." Fowler wrote weeks after the Baltimore riot had temporarily disrupted communications with the North and as Federal forces were being concentrated around the capital. Three days after this letter, Virginia voters ratified the state's ordinance of secession. Federal troops crossed the Potomac into northern Virginia the following day. The remainder of the letter concerns family news and the health of several relatives. . Autograph letter signed, C. S. Fowler, to his nephew Lester Watson. One double-sided page measuring 7 x 9 inches.…

Sheet music inspired by Harriet Beecher Stowe's Uncle Tom's Cabin, written in the voice of Topsy and performed by the prominent antislavery singing group the Hutchinson Family. Words are by the English poet Eliza Cook, with music by Asa B. Hutchinson, who "affectionately dedicated" the composition to his mother. The song was first published in 1853, during the extraordinary popular response to Stowe's novel. The opening presents Topsy through the racial dialect and comic stereotypes that had already attached themselves to the character: "Topsy neber was born, neber had a moder," while the chorus calls hers a "savage song" and describes her as "cute and clever." Yet the piece is more complicated than a straightforward piece of blackface caricature. As performed by the strongly abolitionist Hutchinsons, later verses turn the language back toward enslavement itself, juxtaposing "Topsy's savage song" with "Topsy's human song" and incorporating the bitterly sarcastic refrain, "Hurrah for the white man's right, slavery forever." Cook herself had written approvingly of Uncle Tom's Cabin almost immediately after its appearance, and the song shows how rapidly Stowe's characters moved from the novel into other forms of mass entertainment. Some light foxing and handling wear, with sewing remnants along spine; very good. 5 pp. Disbound. 13 ? x 10 ? inches.…

Condition: Original folds, near fine. A political letter from Joseph S. Ludlam of Oyster Bay to his brother-in-law, the young New York lawyer Thaddeus Burr Wakeman, discussing Stephen A. Douglas, the Buchanan administration, and the growing divisions within the Democratic Party over enslavement. Writing in December 1859, Ludlam offers an enthusiastic assessment of Douglas's recent speech and considers whether the dispute might split the Democratic Party before the presidential election of 1860. After discussing a lecture he had recently delivered and his reading of Oliver Wendell Holmes, Ludlam turns to Douglas's recent speech and the accompanying debate: "I read Douglas's Speech & the debate on it last night after I came home. It will be an effective Speech, telling a thousand times as much as if it came from a Rep. Senator. It is a complete using up of that contemptible position taken by the Administration. If Bigler had told all that he knew & all that he would have told if he had not been afraid of Douglas, I have no doubt there would have been a rich piece of trickery displayed." Ludlam hopes that Douglas's opposition to Buchanan will permanently divide the Democrats, though he doubts the party will remain divided long enough to benefit its opponents: "I only hope that Douglas swamps this [N-R]-WHIPPING ADMINISTRATION, which is just about as dirty as its predecessor. But I doubt whether it will do us any good; we can hardly split the party so but that the spirits will bring it together again. The South would be foolish enough to back out now; those who go for the Dem. ticket now will probably do so to the end, whoever it takes them." Ludlam continues with a discussion of the constitutional status of slavery in the territories, criticizing the administration's position that enslavement enjoyed federal constitutional protection. He also discusses plans for the Christmas holidays and the possibility of visiting New York. The letter dates from the controversy following Douglas's September 1859 article "The Dividing Line between Federal and Local Authority: Popular Sovereignty in the Territories," which provoked a published rebuttal by Attorney General Jeremiah S. Black. Ludlam's comments on Pennsylvania senator William Bigler and the Buchanan administration reflect the bitterness of the dispute. His hope that the Democrats might split proved well founded: the party divided in 1860, with Douglas and John C. Breckinridge heading competing presidential tickets. The author, Joseph S. Ludlam, was a member of an established Oyster Bay family and a graduate of Princeton University in 1855. The recipient, Thaddeus Burr Wakeman (1834-1913), was also a Princeton graduate, class of 1854. Wakeman subsequently became a prominent advocate of freethought and secular reform, serving as president of the National Liberal League and editing the journal Man. The letter provides an early example of his political correspondence, written by a close relative shortly before the Democratic Party's rupture over enslavement. . Autograph letter signed, four pages, 7 ¾ x 6 ½ inches. Accompanied by the original mailing cover addressed to Thaddeus B. Wakeman at 9 Fulton Street, New York, bearing a three-cent Washington stamp with manuscript cancellation. …

John Barnett was a farmer and one of the early Cumberland Presbyterian ministers of western Kentucky, ordained in 1815 and closely associated with the Bethlehem and Piney Fork congregations. His biographer remembered him working in the fields all day, then riding several miles to preach in a neighbor's house late into the evening. His involvement with Cumberland College would eventually cost him his prosperity.[1] The present deposition looks back to his circumstances around 1839, asking whether he still owned enslaved people or had sold them before leaving Caldwell County. Cumberland College opened at Princeton in 1826 as the denomination's first college, initially receiving six students in a large log building. It was an ambitious experiment in inexpensive education: students combined their studies with work on the college farm, helping support the institution while preparing themselves for the physical demands of frontier ministry. The scheme depended on modest fees, agricultural income, and promised donations, but the farm, equipment, and buildings had been acquired on credit, and much of the pledged support never arrived. Barnett had helped establish the college and initially supervised its farm and boardinghouse. In 1831, with the institution heavily indebted, he and fellow minister Aaron Shelby undertook to keep it operating, assuming responsibility for its expenses and debts. The arrangement proved disastrous. Shelby withdrew, his replacement died, and recurring epidemics disrupted the school. Promised financial assistance went unpaid, while complaints mounted over the students' food and labor requirements. By 1836 Barnett declared himself unable to fulfill his commitments; the following year he surrendered his interest to a newly formed association. Barnett died in February 1853, several months before this testimony was collected. Asked to recall the minister's circumstances near the end of the 1830s, the deponent Dr. McNary was questioned specifically about the relationship between his impoverishment and the possible sale of enslaved people: "Please state whether you was acquainted with Rev'd John Burnett about the year 1839; if so, what was his pecuniary circumstances, did he own in the latter part of that year any Slaves, had he or not disposed of all his slaves before that time, was he or not regarded as wholly insolvent about the time he moved from Caldwell County. State about the time he moved from Caldwell." McNary's answer is brief, confirming Barnett's financial reputation but leaving the questions about slave ownership and sales unanswered: "I knew him well but can't state precisely the time he left this county, nor do I know about his having slaves when he left or his having sold them before he left. He was regarded as entirely insolvent, and further he says not." The deposition was certified by Caldwell County examiner J. R. McGoodwin and sent from Princeton to the Henderson Circuit Court, where it was filed on October 31. Its assessment of Barnett's circumstances accords with the recollections of Richard Beard, who had known him during the college's troubled early years. Defending Barnett against accusations of dishonesty, Beard recalled that he had entered the undertaking a prosperous man, but left the college destitute and never recovered.[1] [1] Richard Beard, Brief Biographical Sketches of Some of the Early Ministers of the Cumberland Presbyterian Church (Cumberland Presbyterian Board of Publication, 1874), 186-197. . Old folds, toning, and scattered staining. Manuscript in ink, with examiner?s certification, address panel, and filing endorsements. Blue Princeton postmark dated October 20 and manuscript postal markings. 2 pp., 7 x 11 ½ inches.…

Removed. Condition: A very good copy. First edition. 1 pp. 8vo. The Maine resolution was an attack on the heinous process of re-enslaving freed blacks: "Resolved. That we do most solemnly, in behalf of the people of this State, protest against the existence of any laws, in any of the States of Territories of this Union, which subject our free colored citizens to the liability to be arrested and imprisoned, and to be sold into slavery for the payment of the costs of such arrest and imprisonment; that we do protest against such laws as unconstitutional, and as endangering the Union." Maine approved this on March 22, 1843, sent a copy to all members of the House and Senate, and to all the governors of States and Territories. OCLC locates no copies. Not in Sabin, Blockson, Dumont, Work, LCP. Afro-Americana Clark: New England in U.S. Government Publications, 1789-1849: 1145.…

A Scottish family and ecclesiastical letter containing an early direct condemnation of the Free Church of Scotland's acceptance of donations from slaveholding Presbyterians in the American South. Written in March 1845, the letter predates Frederick Douglass's arrival in Scotland and the public campaign urging the Free Church to "Send Back the Money." It demonstrates that criticism of the church's American fundraising was already circulating privately within Scottish Presbyterian networks before Douglass helped transform the controversy into a major transatlantic abolitionist cause. Following the Disruption of 1843, the newly established Free Church sent representatives to the United States to raise money. Contributions from southern churches and slaveholding ministers generated growing criticism, particularly because the Free Church presented itself as a purer and more principled form of Presbyterianism. The writer identifies what she regarded as the central contradiction: the church refused communion with ministers who remained in the established Church of Scotland while recognizing slaveholding American ministers as Christian brethren and accepting their money. She writes: "What can you think now of their disclaiming to hold communion with any of their Bretheren in the Establishment, and avowedly & publicly countenancing and holding communion with the Slave holding Ministers in your Southern States. Their coffers have been largely augmented by donations from these States and the leaders of the Free recognize them as Bretheren and write and speak of them with the greatest respect." Her criticism is directed as much at the church's financial expediency as at its inconsistency: "This has opened the eyes of some as to what they will resort to get money-this Church that professed to be a pure Church. Oh does it not clearly show the inconsistencies of man, nay even of Christians, what a different view these leaders may take of Slavery from what your respected Father had." Douglass began his Scottish campaign the following year, when he and other abolitionists repeatedly challenged the Free Church to return the money received from American slaveholders. Writing to William Lloyd Garrison in April 1846, Douglass declared, "Scotland is a blaze of anti-slavery agitation-the Free Church and Slavery are the all-engrossing topics."[1] The present letter records essentially the same moral argument a year earlier, made from within the church's own extended religious and family networks: that accepting southern funds compromised the Free Church's authority and exposed the limits of its professed purity. Addressed to the Rev. John Neil MacLeod in New York, the letter places the dispute within a transatlantic Presbyterian context. The writer invokes the antislavery views of MacLeod's father and questions whether the recipient understood that a minister whom he had permitted to preach from his pulpit "advocated the course of the Southern Slave State Ministers so much", remarking "I should think not." The letter also contains news of a bereavement and other family and church news about Scotland and America. An important private response to the Free Church's American fundraising campaign, written before the controversy reached its fullest public expression through Frederick Douglass's "Send Back the Money" campaign. The letter documents the early moral opposition of Scottish Presbyterians who believed that a church claiming spiritual independence and purity had compromised both by accepting the support of American slaveholders. . Folded with very small holes at folds; excellent. Autograph letter signed by a female member of the MacLeod family, with an additional message signed ?Mary McLeod,? to the Rev. John Neil MacLeod in New York. 4pp measuring 9 x 7 inches. Addressed to ?The Rev?d J. N. Macleod D.D., Presbyterian Minister, New York, United States, North America.? Postmarked at Tobermory, prepaid ?1/-,? with London transit markings and intact.…

An early Maryland legal pleading written and signed by Roger B. Taney, later Chief Justice of the United States and author of Dred Scott v. Sandford, in a Frederick County debt action over the unpaid hire of an enslaved man named Jim. The document dates from Taney's early law practice and shows him participating in the ordinary county court enforcement of slave-hire contracts decades before the better-known public episodes that would define his historical reputation. The suit was brought by John McIlhaney against Thomas Johnson the 3rd and James Montgomery, described as yeomen of Frederick County, Maryland, and otherwise as men of Loudoun County, Virginia. Taney's declaration states that Johnson and Montgomery had obligated themselves on April 10, 1801, to pay McIlhaney $160 by January 1, 1802: "[.] whereas the said Thomas and James on the tenth day of April in the year of our Lord eighteen hundred and one by their certain writing obligatory did oblige themselves, their heirs, executors and administrators to pay or cause to be paid on the first day of January eighteen hundred and two to the aforesaid John [.] the said sum of one hundred and sixty Dollars current money, it being for the hire of a Negro man Slave named Jim, unto that date [.] Nevertheless, the said Thomas and James, the said sum of one hundred and sixty Dollars current money have not been paid to the said John [.] but the said sum of one hundred and sixty Dollars current money to him the said John hitherto to render or pay they the said Thomas and James, have altogether refused and still do refuse [.] wherefore the said John saith he is the worse and hath damage to the value of two hundred dollars current money, and therefore he brings his suit [.] and the said John brings here into Court the writing obligatory aforesaid, sealed with the seals of the said Thomas and James [.]". A very early Taney manuscript from his Frederick County practice, placing the future author of Dred Scott inside the ordinary legal enforcement of slave hire, debt, and enslaved labor in Maryland. . Old folds; light wear; very good. Manuscript legal pleading signed ?R. B. Taney / Atty for Plff.? 13 x 7 ¾ inches.…

Audio-CD. Condition: Neu. Neuware.

Condition: Near Fine. First Edition. An interesting letter deserving further study regarding the legal fallout for defaults on Negro Bonds following Emancipation, a question of significant economic impact for the finances of ex-enslavers, as a significant amount of private debt endured following Emancipation. The author, a collections agent, warns B.H. Massey, Esquire of pending actions to pursue damages for defaults on Negro Bonds for the sum of $10,000 based on the fact that Massey acted as Receiver of the bonds when they were issued. It is unclear whether Massey was Allison's client at the time or if he intended to pursue collections actions against him. We find no record of the case. Full transcription follows: Kershaw, Allison & Connors Correspondent American Attorneys Collection Association All Legal Business Attended To. Collections a specialty. Lancaster, S.C. Sept. the 14th 1876 B. H. Massey, Esq. Dear Sir, My impression is that Blackwell Wilson is going to try to charge you with the three notes which you signed as though you had collected the money thereon - taking the ground that the moment you were appointed Receiver, that in contemplation of law, by the act of such appointment, these notes by operation of Law were eo instanti paid. And, I confess, that there is great danger to you in this, unless you can show that there was failure of consideration in the Negro bonds - that is that the Negroes were unsound. I deem it my duty to apprise you of the danger, so that you may be prepared for it, if it should come. I do not know how you have your affairs arranged. If you can show failure of consideration of the Negro bonds, we can either take testimony to that effect, or have an issue referred to a jury. Let me know what defense you could make to any of the bonds. Yours truly, &c. R. E. Allison. I think the notes that he desires to charge you with Prin. & Interest will amount to exceeding ten thousand Dollars. An interesting document relating to Reconstruction-era law that should provide insight into some of the legal strategies at play regarding the collections of debt. Single page measuring 9 ½ x 6 inches. Some tears at folds, near fine.…

Condition: Very good plus. Austin County, Texas, was the first Anglo-American colony in Mexican Texas, founded in about 1821 by Stephen F. Austin and his "Old Three Hundred": 297 land grantees, mainly from the Trans-Appalachian South, and many of significant wealth. The grantees received either a labor (177 acres, for farming families) around San Felipe de Austin, or a sitio (4,428 acres, for ranching families) along the Brazos River. Many of the Old Three Hundred families already owned enslaved African Americans, and by 1825, sixty-nine of the Austin colony families owned a total of 443 enslaved people, making up nearly a quarter of the colony's population. Many of the enslaved people were concentrated with just a few families; for instance, Jared E. Groce arrived to the colony in 1822 with ninety enslaved people. After the Texas Revolution, which established the Republic of Texas, the county's population totaled about 1,500, rising to 2,687 by 1847 and 3,841 by 1850. Immigration from Germany surged, with Germans outnumbering American-born citizens by 1860. During this time, the expansion of cotton and other agriculture increased the enslaved population as well; in 1847, it comprised over 47% of Austin County. Meanwhile, there were nearly no free Black residents, and none by 1860. Offered here is a tax assessment ledger for the county from 1858, prepared by County Assessor and Collector Sackfield Brewer. It contains two assessments: one for land owned within Austin County and one for land owned by Austin County residents but located in other counties. Among other information, the first assessment lists the taxpayer, their land's original grantee and location (by town and stream), and their assets, including horses, cattle, money, and enslaved people. The second assessment contains location, acreage, and value information, and does not contain information about assets held with the outside properties. The ledger indicates the demographic shifts in the areawith many Germanic surnames among the Anglo onesand the concentrations of wealth and enslavement. For instance, while most taxpayers are listed as owning no enslaved people, J. E. Kirby held 120 people, valued at $60,000, on his nearly 3,700 acre ranch. By contrast, Thomas Cochran's 5,759 acre ranch, taking up five original land grants, held seven. J. A. Kerr, next to Kirby in the ledger, claimed no land, only one $100 horse and one $100 watch. Records from early Texas are scarce; this ledger provides detailed information about families in the county and about their assets, especially enslaved people, who made up a significant portion of the antebellum population. Ledger measuring 7 ½ x 12 inches. Approximately forty-five pages filled out with remainder blank. Spine broken and some pages detached; pages with wear but legible; cover quite worn.…

Two legal documents from an Alabama chancery court suit brought against Susannah Nettles by her husband, James C. Nettles, concerning ownership of an enslaved woman named Chloe. The documents are a set of cross interrogatories and objections and their replies, which were given by William Mellard, the writer of the deed that originally gave Susannah ownership of Chloe. Mellard recalls that the deed, written in 1829, provided the following: "Mary Rudd declared to him while directing him how to write the Instrument, that as Susannah was her youngest child and a daughter, that she wished while she yet lived to secure to her that much of her Estate, to wit, Chloe and her future increase; and she wished the Instrument so written that it would convey to Susannah the said girl Chloe, in such a manner that she would not be subject to the control of her husband should she afterwards marry [.] and that the negro girl should not be subject to the debts of her husband should she marry". Mellard claims that, after Susannah's marriage, "James C. Nettles admitted the right of his wife to the Negroes and acquiesced in her title to them, and did not claim any right to them." At the time the deed was drawn up, the legal doctrine of coverture was in effect: a married woman did not have legal rights and obligations, including a right to property ownership, separate from her husband. Though Susannah was single at the time, Chloe would have become James Nettles' property on his marriage to Susannah were it not for the part of Mary Rudd's deed, which Mellard insists he is remembering correctly, that set aside Chloe as only Susannah's property. Though some states had passed Married Women's Property Acts or similar, Alabama would pass any such laws until 1867.[1] These documents are a striking example of the enforcement of a key aspect of women's rightsthe right to own one's own propertyin which it specifically hinges on the denial of rights to another group of womenthose who are owned as property. Of interest to legal historians, particularly of women's rights and enslavement. [1] B. Zorina Khan, The Democratization of Invention: Patents and Copyrights in American Economic Development, 17901920 (Cambridge University Press, 2005), 167. Folded with some stains and wear; Near Fine. Two documents, totaling five double-sided pages measuring 8 x 13 inches and six double-sided pages measuring 7 ½ x 12 inches. …

Condition: Near Fine. Content warning: This description mentions sexual assault. Alex Haley (1921-1992) was an African American author, known for his bestselling 1976 semi-genealogical book Roots: The Saga of an American Family. Roots follows the story of Kunta Kinte, a young Mandinka man in 18th-century Gambia who is sold into enslavement, and of his descendants in the US. The historical novel was based upon Haley's genealogical research into his family history; Kunta Kinte is ostensibly Haley's ancestor on his mother's side. At the time of his death in 1992, Haley had been working with Australian writer David Stevens on a novel about his father's side of the family. The novel was published in 1993 as Queen: The Story of an American Family. Offered here is a collection of Haley's own notes that, based on the subject matter, were likely used in the writing of Queen. The notes discuss Haley's grandparents Alec Haley and Queen Jackson-the latter being the book's namesake-and their son, Alex's father, Simon Haley. Simon Haley was a professor of agriculture, and most of his son's notes about him concern his struggle to obtain an education. The elder Haley worked as a Pullman porter and attended Lane College, an HBCU in Tennessee; he was on the brink of having to drop out when "one night [he] delivered hot milk to [an] insomniac industrialist who, finding Dad was a student, financially helped him enter A&T at Greensboro." Haley's notes on Alec and Queen are disturbing and sometimes graphic. Both were children of sexual assault between enslaved African American women and white men. Alec's father was Haley plantation overseer William Baugh and Queen's was James Jackson, the owner of Jackson plantation; Haley describes how Alec's mother, Viney, was sold away from her family "for stubbornly resisting [the] overseer's further advances". Haley describes a scene that occurred when Queen was 18 after a "white woman said she'd 'sassed' her" and a mob "had gathered to catch" her: "Queen Haley tells white mob she's as white as they, and why - her father raped her mother . and they cannot bear the intolerable reproach . and try [to] rape or kill her." These events, and witnessing another lynch mob, have permanent effects on Queen's psyche, which Haley's notes illustrate with anecdotes: Queen "looking out of windows 'all those lights, they're after me --'", running off and "crawl[ing] under [the] bed", and even disappearing for an entire day and being found hiding "in a deep ravine". However, Queen apparently plays the relationship between Jackson and Queen's mother Easter as a forbidden love affair. Of interest to scholars of reconstruction narratives and African American nonfiction novels and historical fiction. Typed pages fragile with damage; others near fine. Overall excellent. Thirty-one pages: three typed pages with editorial marks measuring 8 ½ x 11 inches; twenty-eight pages of handwritten notes measuring 6 ½ x 8 ½ and smaller.…

A scarce set of primary source documents relating to the protection of British territory in the Caribbean, in particular along the Mosquito Coast, during the period of varied interests in the area, in the period following the Anglo-Spanish agreement on the slave trade. Consisting of a series of secretarial copies of reports delivered to Peter McQuhae, Commodore of H.M.S. Imauam, stationed in Jamaica, these dispatches offer an overview of the issues confronting the British Navy in Jamaica during the period and in the Caribbean more broadly. Most of the documents refer to issues with Cuba, the most interesting perhaps being a letter warning of an impending filibustering expedition against Cuba by a pro-slavery faction in the American South. The group consists of five groups of bound documents, some bound out of order and likely bound later. Contents are as follows: 1. Addington, A.M. Four Page Report Concerning Placing a Ship of War at Grey Town to Discourage Invasions on the Mosquito Coast, March 13, 1851. Henry Addington writes McQuhae to recommend stationing a warship at Grey Town: ".it would be sufficient that a Ship of War should from time to time look in grey Town, without remaining there at any time long enough to endanger the health of the crew. to provide for the case which is possiblee, tho' not at all likely, that during the interval between the visits of a Ship of War, some expedition of Nicaraguan, or some of the North Americans returning from California, might take advantage of the comparatively unprotected state of the lace, to take possession of it, and that the cruiser on its return to Grey Town, might find the place so occupied, Lord Palmerston concieves taht in such an event, it would seem to be inconsistent with the Honor of this Country, that a British Ship of War, should acquiesce in such an aggression, and it would be right that the intruder should be expelled, if the Commander of the Ship of War, should find as he probably would, that he had the means of doing so, without much difficulty, and that in case he should repel the intruders and re-establish the authorities of the Mosquito Government, demanding the liberation of any British or Mosquito subjects who might have been made Prisoners, and holding hostages for their relief if they should have been removed up into the interior of the Country. It It is to be hoped however, that all questions of dispute in regard to Grey Town, will, beoon be settled, because Her Majesty's government has through Her Majesty's Minister at Washington proposed to the Government, of the United States, that an arrangement should be made, by which the Sovereignty of Grey Town. should be transferred to the State of Costa Rica. Lord Palmerston desires me to add that there are at present at Washington a plenipotentiaries, both from Nicaragua and Costa Rica for the purpose of conducting this negotiation." 2. Addington, G.M. Single Page Letter in Secretarial Hand Warning of Incoming Ships to Cuba Carrying Enslaved Individuals, January 24, 1852. Addington writes to McQuhae about two incoming vessels carrying enslaved Africans, passing on information received at Rio De janeiro by another British vessel: "I am directed by Earl GraH.M. Minister at Rio, reporting that he had recieved information that two Slavers had sailed from Havana to. the coast of Africa. with the intention of returning with Cargoes of slaves which are to be landed at the Entrade de Cuchillo, in Cuba." 3. Seymour, G.F., et al. Four Reports Bound Together on Varied Subjects, including the Case of the Creole, British Fishing Rights in Spanish Waters off of Cuba and Porto Rico, and the Case of a Detained British Vessel in Cuba, 1852. A series of four reports addressed to McQuhae on various subject, as follows: A. Report dated May 17, 1852, from Seymour, discussing the case of the Creole, detained in 1851: ".enclosing copies of a letter from the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, approving of the course I had.…