Philippians, Volume 43: Revised Edition (43) (Word Biblical Commentary) - Hardcover

Hawthorne, Gerald F.; Martin, Ralph P.

Hardcover

ISBN 10: 0310521858 ISBN 13: 9780310521853

Publisher: Zondervan Academic, 2015

Synopsis

The Word Biblical Commentary delivers the best in biblical scholarship, from the leading scholars of our day who share a commitment to Scripture as divine revelation. This series emphasizes a thorough analysis of textual, linguistic, structural, and theological evidence. The result is judicious and balanced insight into the meanings of the text in the framework of biblical theology. These widely acclaimed commentaries serve as exceptional resources for the professional theologian and instructor, the seminary or university student, the working minister, and everyone concerned with building theological understanding from a solid base of biblical scholarship.

Overview of Commentary Organization

• Introduction—covers issues pertaining to the whole book, including context, date, authorship, composition, interpretive issues, purpose, and theology.
• Each section of the commentary includes:
• Pericope Bibliography—a helpful resource containing the most important works that pertain to each particular pericope.
• Translation—the author’s own translation of the biblical text, reflecting the end result of exegesis and attending to Hebrew and Greek idiomatic usage of words, phrases, and tenses, yet in reasonably good English.
• Notes—the author’s notes to the translation that address any textual variants, grammatical forms, syntactical constructions, basic meanings of words, and problems of translation.
• Form/Structure/Setting—a discussion of redaction, genre, sources, and tradition as they concern the origin of the pericope, its canonical form, and its relation to the biblical and extra-biblical contexts in order to illuminate the structure and character of the pericope. Rhetorical or compositional features important to understanding the passage are also introduced here.
• Comment—verse-by-verse interpretation of the text and dialogue with other interpreters, engaging with current opinion and scholarly research.
• Explanation—brings together all the results of the discussion in previous sections to expose the meaning and intention of the text at several levels: (1) within the context of the book itself; (2) its meaning in the OT or NT; (3) its place in the entire canon; (4) theological relevance to broader OT or NT issues.
  • General Bibliography—occurring at the end of each volume, this extensive bibliographycontains all sources used anywhere in the commentary.

About this title

About the Authors

Gerald F. Hawthorne is Professor of Greek Emeritus, Wheaton College, Wheaton, Illinois, where he served on the faculty from 1953 to 1995. He is the author of The Presence and the Power: The Signficance of the Holy Spirit in the Life and Ministry of Jesus and editor, with Ralph P. Martin, of Dictionary of Paul and His Letters. He received the B.A. and M.A. degrees from Wheaton College and the Ph.D. from the University of Chicago.

Ralph P. Martin (1925-2013) was Distinguished Scholar in Residence at Fuller Theological Seminary and a New Testament Editor for the Word Biblical Commentary series. He earned the BA and MA from the University of Manchester, England, and the PhD from King's College, University of London. He was the author of numerous studies and commentaries on the New Testament, including Worship in the Early Church, the volume on Philippians in The Tyndale New Testament Commentary series. He also wrote 2 Corinthians and James in the WBC series.

Bruce M. Metzger (1914 – 2007) was a biblical scholar, textual critic, and a longtime professor at Princeton Theological Seminary. Metzger is widely considered one of the most influential New Testament scholars of the 20th century. He was a general editor of the Word Biblical Commentary (1997 - 2007).

David Allan Hubbard (1928 – 1996), former president and professor of Old Testament at Fuller Theological Seminary in Pasadena, California, was a recognized biblical scholar. In addition to over 30 books, he has written numerous articles for journals, periodicals, reference works. He was a general editor of the Word Biblical Commentary (1977 - 1996).

Glenn W. Barker (d. 1984) was a general editor of the Word Biblical Commentary (1977 - 1984). 

Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.

Philippians, Volume 43

By Gerald F. Hawthorne, Ralph P. Martin, Bruce M. Metzger, David A. Hubbard, Glenn W. Barker

ZONDERVAN

Copyright © 2004 Thomas Nelson, Inc.
All rights reserved.

ISBN: 978-0-310-52185-3

Contents

Editors' Preface, ix, 
Author's Preface to First Edition, x, 
Preface to Revised Edition, xii, 
Abbreviations, xiv, 
Commentary Bibliography, xxiv, 
General Bibliography, xxvi, 
Introduction, 
Authorship, xxviii, 
The Integrity of Philippians, xxx, 
The Recipients and Their City, xxxiv, 
Place and Date of Writing, xxxix, 
Paul's Opponents and the False Teachers at Philippi, 1, 
Paul's Purposes for Writing Philippians, lv, 
Outline of Philippians, lix, 
Aspects of the Theology of Philippians, lx, 
Text of the Letter, lxiii, 
Exegesis and Rhetorical Analysis, with Special Reference to Philippians 2:6–11, lxiv, 
Christology in Philippians, lxxiii, 
Text and Commentary, 
I. Introductory Section (1:1–11), 1, 
A. Salutation (1:1–2), 1, 
B. Thanksgiving and Prayer (1:3–11), 15, 
II. News and Instructions (1:12–2:30), 36, 
A. News about Paul (1:12–26), 36, 
B. Instructions for the Church (1:27–2:18), 65, 
1. To Stability in the Faith (1:27–30), 65, 
2. To Harmony and Humility (2:1–4), 79, 
3. Kerygmatic Center of the Letter: Christ, the Supreme Encouragement to Humility and Unselfishness (2:5–11), 90, 
Excursus: On Kenosis, 121, 
4. Application: To Obedience, with Paul as Model (2:12–18), 135, 
C. News about Timothy and Epaphroditus and Their Role as Models (2:19–30), 151, 
1. About Timothy (2:19–24), 151, 
2. About Epaphroditus (2:25–30), 158, 
III. Digression: Warning against False Teachings with Paul's Experience and Life as a Model to Follow (3:1–21), 170, 
A. Warning against Circumcision and Pride in Human Achievements (3:1–3), 170, 
B. Paul's Own Life, Past and Present: An Answer to Opponents (3:4–11), 178, 
C. Warning against Perfection Now (3:12–16), 202, 
D. Paul's Life: A Model to Imitate (3:17), 215, 
E. Warning against Imitating Other Teachers (3:18–19), 220, 
F. Paul's Hope in the Future and Unseen (3:20–21), 227, 
IV. Exhortations to Harmony and Joy (4:1–9), 236, 
V Gratitude Expressed for the Philippians' Generosity (4:10–20), 256, 
VI. Conclusion (4:21–23), 278, 

CHAPTER 1

Introductory Section (1:1–11)

A. Salutation (1:1–2)

Form/Structure/Setting

This section follows a set pattern, drawn from the Hellenistic world, that Paul uses as an introduction to all his letters. It has three basic parts to it, and each part always appears in the same order: (1) the sender's name, (2) the name of the person or persons to whom the letter is sent, and (3) the greeting.

Although quite unlike the twenty-first-century style of letter writing, this pattern, nevertheless, conforms closely to that of the letter form of the first century and earlier. It is reminiscent, on the one hand, of ancient Near Eastern letters (cf. Dan 4:1 [RSV]: "King Nebuchadnezzer to all peoples, nations, and languages, that dwell in all the earth: Peace be multiplied to you"; Ezra 7:12; 2 Bar. 78:2)—a fact that points to the possibility of Aramaic influence on Pauline epistolography, especially if one considers "seriously the proposal that the Captivity Letters ... were composed in Caesarea Maritima" (Fitzmyer, JBL 93 [1974] 201–25; and idem on the Aramaic origin of Phil 2:6–11 [CBQ50 (1988) 470–83]; see Martin, Hymn of Christ, chap. 2; yet this suggestion of Semitic background to Paul would be true no matter where he wrote). It also recalls, on the other hand, the personal letters of the Greco-Roman period published and discussed by Deissmann (see Light from the Ancient East, 148–217, and note this example: "Asclepiades, the son of Charmagon, to Portis, the son of Peramis, greeting [[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII.]]" [152–53]; see also Hunt and Edgar, Select Papyri, 2:549–601; cf. Acts 15:23; Jas 1:1). Deissmann's division of written conversations in the Greek world between popular "letters" (Briefe) and the more literary "epistles" (Episteln) has been vigorously challenged in recent times. Its validity has been denied on the ground that Deissmann's dichotomy is too neat; his social analysis of early congregations as proletarian and illiterate is challenged by scholars such as Doty (Letters), and Deissmann failed to note the data from documents such as Seneca's Epistulae and the Cynic epistles. So we should conclude that while Paul retained his Jewish thought forms, Hellenism had an even greater influence on his epistolary habits. And we should not overlook the simple observation that, after all, he was writing in Greek to a Greek-reading audience.

Although Paul may have owed much to both East and West for the basic form of his letters, so that the introductions of his letters, like their models, invariably followed the pattern "A to B, greeting," his own contribution to the history of letter writing should not be denied. He often expanded these conventional formulas and infused them with deep theological or christological meaning (cf. Rom 1:1–7).

It is important to recognize this "literary" form, the letter form, for what it is. When Paul chose to express his ideas in this form, one can only surmise that he did so with a limited audience in mind—friends, for the most part, whom he knew personally and who, he knew, were facing particular problems of faith and life (the exception is the letter to the Colossians; see Col 2:1; 4:16, as well as Rom 1; Rom 16 with its many names is the exception to prove the rule). The content of his letters shows that Paul wrote with a keen awareness of apostolic authority, but the letter form seems to indicate that he had no intention of leaving behind him masterpieces of literature or theological treatises for the world (but see Malherbe, OJRS 5 [1977] 3–77, who notes that rhetorical theorists discussed the letter form). It is also to be recalled that Paul wrote letters to be read aloud in public (cf. Col 4:16), and this fact opens the questions of their rhetorical shape; see the Introduction, Exegesis and Rhetorical Analysis.

Comment

1 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], "Paul and Timothy, slaves [or, servants] of Christ Jesus." The unique feature here is not that Paul links Timothy's name with his own, for Timothy was Paul's "son in the faith" (1 Cor 4:17), his close associate in the gospel (2 Cor 1:19), and his trusted emissary (Phil 2:19). Besides, Paul names other co-senders of his letters with him (1 Cor 1:1; 1 Thess 1:1; 2 Thess 1:1). Rather, the singularity lies in the fact that Paul permits the noun [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], "slaves," to stand in apposition to both his own name and Timothy's, a unique feature in the literary legacy left by Paul. In all other letters he puts a distance between himself and his colleagues by describing only himself as "slave," or "apostle," or "prisoner" of Christ Jesus—never anyone else. If ever he does add a descriptive title to a fellow worker, he does so only with the word [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], "brother" (1 Cor 1:1; 2 Cor 1:1; Gal 1:2; Col 1:1; Phlm 1). From this observation it is clear that Paul was always conscious of his own supreme authority within the churches he founded and of his unique relationship to the risen Christ, a relationship so exceptional that no other person could share it, as the later witness of Ephesians indicates (Eph 3:3–5). The fact that it is shared only this once demands explanation.

The explanation cannot lie in the fact that Timothy was associated with Paul in his imprisonment (Martin [1976]), for why then is the familiar distance again put between the apostle and Timothy in two of the other Prison Epistles (Col 1:1; Phlm 1)? Nor can the explanation be that Timothy was coauthor of the letter (Meyer, 11), or any part of it, because it is throughout far too personal for that. Paul's use of "I," "me," "my" pervades Philippians (fifty-one times), while Timothy's name appears again only in 2:19, and then "in clear distinction from the author of the letter" (Collange, 36). That Timothy was Paul's secretary or amanuensis (J. J. Müller) is not the explanation either. In Rom 16:22 Paul's secretary is named, and if it can be assumed that this chapter is an integral part of the Roman letter, it becomes obvious that for one to have been Paul's secretary was not, therefore, sufficient reason to have his name linked with that of the apostle in the salutation. Furthermore, to assume that Paul regularly dictated his letters to secretaries is a valid proposal (cf. 1 Cor 16:21; Gal 6:11; Col 4:8; 2 Thess 3:17; and especially Rom 16:22; see Bahr, JBL [1968] 27–41). But there is no evidence that will permit the assumption that Timothy was one of these secretaries. Nor can one say that Paul shared the title [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], "slave," with Timothy because Timothy was a co-founder with him of the church at Philippi (Gnilka). It is true that Timothy was indeed with Paul when this church began (Acts 16:1–15; see earlier, pp. xxxiv–xxxix, on what W. M. Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller, 198, regarded as "in many respects the most remarkable paragraph in Acts"). But he was only a junior member of the missionary team who, apparently because of his unobtrusiveness, escaped the serious trouble Paul and Silas experienced (Acts 16:16–40). What is more, it seems that Paul even had to remind the Philippians of Timothy's worth and reliability, of the quality of his character and the validity of his credentials (Phil 2:19–24). Nor can the explanations that Paul wished to be courteous to a loved associate (Keck, Caird) or to give wider scope and a more solid basis to what he was going to say (Michael) be adequate reasons for such a radical departure from Paul's standard procedure. Why then did the apostle choose to share, for this one time, his otherwise carefully and jealously guarded "uniqueness"? The best explanation seems to be that Paul, by such condescension, was able most effectively to teach the Philippians a lesson they needed to learn—"that relationships in the bosom of the church between collaborators were not those of authority, superiority or inferiority but of humble equality" (Collange, 36; cf. Phil 2:6–11).

[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], "slaves [or, servants] of Christ Jesus." The word [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], often translated "servants," literally on its sociological background means "slaves," a word that carries the normally negative ideas of abasement, subservience, and total submissiveness. Slavery was a commonplace feature of the Roman world of the first century and a fact of life seldom questioned or challenged (OCD, 843–44; A. A. Ruprecht, "Slave, Slavery," DPL, 881–83; K. Hopkins [with P. J. Roscoe], Conquerors and Slaves; L. Adkins and R. A. Adkins, Ancient Greece, 412–13). There was no autonomy for the slave. His own will was totally subject to the will of another, so that he was a person with "no right of personal choice" (R. Rengstorf, TDNT 2:261). The service he provided was not voluntary but forced. He was totally in bondage to the claims of his master. He had no rights and no freedoms.

It is possible then that Paul understood [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] in terms of this contemporary cultural practice. He, therefore, would have viewed himself and Timothy as persons bound over to Christ Jesus, owned by him (1 Cor 6:20), possessing no rights of their own, totally at the service of their master. But [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], "slaves of Christ Jesus," would not have been a repugnant expression to Paul, as it would have been for his contemporaries—none of whom would ever have described his or her own relationship to the deity in terms of slavery (R. Rengstorf, TDNT 2:262–65; yet this may be questioned, since Hellenistic Judaism used the term to denote such a relationship); rather, the expression would have been a liberating idea. For Paul viewed himself and Timothy as slaves of one who was divine. KUpios, "Lord," the common term for the master of slaves (Col 4:1), was also the Septuagintal word for Yahweh. It was this title, "Lord," that Paul regularly used as the most important christological term to describe Jesus (cf. Phil 2:10–11). And, paradoxically, for Paul to be a slave of this divine master was the only way to be a truly free person—free from the tyranny of sin (Rom 6:18–22), of fear (Gal 4:8–9), and of the law (Rom 7:1–6). See Explanation below.

[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], "slave/servant," however, was used frequently in the Septuagint to describe Yahweh's special servants (Exod 14:3; Num 12:7; Jer 25:4; Ezek 38:17; Amos 3:7; Zech 1:6). It is possible, therefore, that this title may have had a quite different meaning for Paul from that outlined above. Understood in the context of the [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] may have conveyed to Paul the idea of leader or prophet, and he may have understood it as a title of esteem (Gnilka) to be used to inform his readers that he and Timothy were two of the select few who had the "God-given authority to speak and act in his name, as his accredited (representatives)" (Martin [1976], 60). If so, [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII.] consequently carried for Paul not "the thought of unconditional vassalage and bodily ownership, but the thought that God is acting through" him. "Not servitude but instrumentality" stands in the foreground. The word then takes on a new theological meaning "in which the emphasis no longer rests on ... the unfree condition of the man, but wholly upon the work and actions of God" (Sass, ZNW 40 [1941] 24–32, as quoted by Beare).

If one must choose between these two ideas, it appears that the better choice is to affirm that Paul derived the meaning of [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] from his Hellenistic-Roman environment, yet with undertones that belong to his Hebraic heritage, since he will go on to write chap. 3. There is no hint of servility in the term. For here at the outset of his letter to the Philippians Paul uses it to strike the note of devoted service and its consequent idea of subordination first and foremost to Christ Jesus (note that "Christ Jesus," or "Lord Jesus Christ," occurs three times in the salutation alone [vv 1–2]; see Escande, Kyrios, Iésous, Christos) and second to the church and its needs. Paul is going to stress throughout this letter a very Christian concept: the greatest person must be the servant [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] and the most important the slave [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] of all (2:8: cf. Mark 10:43–44), a lesson the Philippians apparently were slow to learn.

[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], "to all God's people incorporate in Christ Jesus." Paul rarely uses the all-inclusive word [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], "all," to address the readers of his letters (only in Rom 1:7 and Phil 1:1). He does so here, one suspects, as a watchword (Mengel, Studien, 223), because there was dissension in Philippi and not everyone was convinced that he or she was included in the apostle's concern. The startling frequency of the expression "all of you" with which Paul continually addresses the Philippian Christians (Phil 1:4, 7 [2x], 8, 25; 2:17, 26; cf. 4:21, 23mg) indicates that he is subtly but forcefully calling them to unity, assuring them all of his love and prayers, and telling them that he was writing not only to those who continually brought him joy (4:1), but also to those whose actions tended to fracture the church (4:2–3). None was excluded.

[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] is often translated "saints." With this word Paul regularly addresses the Christians to whom he is writing, to draw attention not primarily to the ethical character of their lives (i.e., "saintly," "pious") but to their special relationship to God; not here to their moral qualities, as if there were no longer any sinners at Philippi, but to the new ground of their existence (Gnilka).

[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], "holy," has a long history of meaning. Originally it was applied only to the gods as beings who commanded religious awe ([TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII.]) or were worthy of veneration ([TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], "to stand in awe of"). Later it was also applied to persons and things, because of their special relation to the gods. By virtue of this special relationship, therefore, they were separated from the profane world about them so as to be ceremonially pure enough to perform special service for, or be used in special rites pertaining to, the worship of these gods.

In the LXX [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] is used chiefly to translate [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], a Hebrew word with essentially the same meanings as the Greek word. Yahweh God is holy (Lev 19:2), and as such is different from, over against, set apart from, transcending every created thing and the one who rightly commands awe and veneration (Isa 6:1–5; on the Thrice Holy, see Spinks, Sanctus, and 1 Clem. 34:6: "They cried Holy, Holy, Holy is the Lord of Sabaoth, the whole creation is full of his glory"; see too J. L. Wu, "Liturgical Elements," DLNT, 659–65 [with bibliography]). Because of God's special relation to parts of his creation, things also can be holy (e.g., the ground around a burning bush [Exod 3:5], Jerusalem [Isa 48:2], the temple [Isa 64:10], the Sabbath, garments, candlesticks, oil, swords, etc.) and persons can be holy, even the entire nation. Yahweh makes a covenant with Israel, and as a result Israel is called holy, God's elect people, a nation separated from all the other nations of the world (Exod 19:5–6; Lev 11:44–45). Israel was holy because of God's gracious choice (cf. Asting, Heiligkeit, who writes: the holy ones are such "not only as living for a while in the evil world and not belonging to that world, but as elect children of God and members of the coming kingdom" [156]; see also K. G. Kuhn and O. Procksch, TDNTl:89–l 10; G. F. Moore, Judaism in the First Centuries of the Christian Era [Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1927–30] 2:102–3). These same ideas still cling to [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] in the NT (see Matt 24:15; Mark 1:24; Luke 1:49; John 17:11; Acts 9:13; 1 Pet 2:9–10). Therefore, to translate [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] as "God's people," rather than the traditional and often misunderstood "saints," is fully justified, capturing better the root meaning of the word and showing more clearly that Paul viewed the members of the Christian church as the New Israel, the new community separated and dedicated to God, the eschatological people, the people of the end time, to whom God would make good his promises (cf. Dan 7:17–27; see too 1QM III, 5; VI, 6; X, 10; XVI, 1; T. Levi 18:11, 14; T. Dan 5, 12; 1 En. 100.5).

(Continues...)

Excerpted from Philippians, Volume 43 by Gerald F. Hawthorne, Ralph P. Martin, Bruce M. Metzger, David A. Hubbard, Glenn W. Barker. Copyright © 2004 Thomas Nelson, Inc.. Excerpted by permission of ZONDERVAN.
All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher.
Excerpts are provided by Dial-A-Book Inc. solely for the personal use of visitors to this web site.

Edition details

• Publisher: Zondervan Academic
• Publication date: 2015
• Language: English
• ISBN 10: 0310521858
• ISBN 13: 9780310521853
• Binding: Hardcover
• Number of pages: 384
• Editor: Metzger Bruce M., Hubbard David Allen, Barker Glenn W.