The status of Ukrainian as the sole state language of Ukraine has been challenged by various post-Soviet political forces since it was established in 1989 and enshrined in the Constitution in 1996. Since President Viktor Yanukovych came to power in February 2010, the President and the Party of Regions have put forward several initiatives to promote the Russian language at the expense of Ukrainian as well as the minority languages of Ukraine. Paradoxically, their most important instrument has been the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages. However, the Russian language in Ukraine does not meet the criteria of a regional or minority language according to the Charter nor do those politicians who struggle for the “rights of the native Russian language” in the name of Russkiy mir represent the democratic values upon which the Charter is built, as perfectly reflected by the history of the unconstitutional language law of 2012.
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Andreas Umland, M.Phil. (Oxford), Dr.Phil. (FU Berlin), Ph.D. (Cambridge), Research Fellow at the Swedish Institute of International Affairs in Stockholm, Senior Expert at the Ukrainian Institute for the Future in Kyiv, and Associate Professor at the National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy.
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Hardcover. Condition: Good. Hardcover, 495 pages, NOT ex-library. Weight 1010g. Missing the front blank endpaper. Gentle pencil lines & exclamation marks in side margins of approx. 120 pages; sparse pencil underlining on some pages; very sparse faint pencil annotations in text on 23 pages (often one word per page). Else book is clean and bright, free of stamps, firmly bound. Issued without a dust jacket. -- The status of Ukrainian as the sole state language of Ukraine has been challenged by various post-Soviet political forces since it was established in 1989 and enshrined in the Constitution in 1996. Since President Viktor Yanukovych came to power in February 2010, the President and the Party of Regions have put forward several initiatives to promote the Russian language at the expense of Ukrainian as well as the minority languages of Ukraine. Paradoxically, their most important instrument has been the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages. However, the Russian language in Ukraine does not meet the criteria of a regional or minority language according to the Charter nor do those politicians who struggle for the "rights of the native Russian language" in the name of Russkiy mir represent the democratic values upon which the Charter is built, as perfectly reflected by the history of the unconstitutional language law of 2012. -- Contents: Preface; Introduction; 1. Loyalty toward the small large language ['Ridna mova'; Actual language usage; Citizens' views of language policy; Advocates of 'bilingualism']; 2. The European Charter of Regional or Minority Languages in Ukraine [Adoption of the Language Charter in Ukraine; Major mistake; Measures according to the Language Charter as agreed upon by Ukraine; Establishment of regional languages]; 3. Viktor Yanukovych and the Ukrainian language [Coming to power; Victory Day 2011; President and the Ukrainian language]; 4. The Russian World and the 'compatriots' [Ukrainian population of the Russian Federation; Fighting the Orange Revolution; Russkiy Mir and 'historical truth'; Sviataya Rus'; Official Russia's impact on Ukraine and Ukrainians; Ultimate turn: Ukrainians as Russians]; 5. The hawk in Ukrainian language policy: Vadym Kolesnichenko [Kolesnichenko and 'linguistic tolerance'; Kolesnichenko the 'human rights activist'; Kolesnichenko on guard for Russkiy Mir]; 6. Dmytro Tabachnyk and the Ukrainian language in the educational sphere [Ukraine's Minister of Education; Ukrainian-Russian history; Promoting the Russian language; Decreasing Ukrainian in the schools; Restructuring higher education; Decreasing Ukrainian in the preschools]; 7. Olena Bondarenko and the Ukrainian language in the electronic media; 8. The draft law of 7 September 2010 [On the way to the draft law of 7 September 2010; Regulations of the draft law of 7 September 2010; Criticism in Ukraine; Venice Commission's alleged 'positive assessment'; OSCE High Commissioner's assessment; Venice Commission's assessment; Reactions to the failure]; 9. Anticipating the law: Serhiy Kivalov, the Constitutional Court, and the Ukrainian language in the courts of law; 10. Vadym Kolesnichenko's and Serhiy Kivalov's draft law 'On Principles of the State Language Policy' [Promoting and protesting Kolesnichenko's and Kivalov's draft law; Venice Commission's Opinion on Kolesnichenko's and Kivalov's draft law; Reactions to the 'Opinion'; Reaction to the OSCE High Commissioner's unpublished assessment; Pushing through the draft law: the initial attempt; Pushing through the draft law: the adoption in its first reading; Pushing through the draft law: the adoption in its 'second' reading; Reactions to the adoption in Parliament; Parliamentary Speaker's signature; President's signature; Entering into force; Amendments of the President's Working Group]; 11. Summary and outlook; Bibliography. Seller Inventory # 008411
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Buch. Condition: Neu. Neuware - The status of Ukrainian as the sole state language of Ukraine has been challenged by various post-Soviet political forces since it was established in 1989 and enshrined in the Constitution in 1996. Since President Viktor Yanukovych came to power in February 2010, the President and the Party of Regions have put forward several initiatives to promote the Russian language at the expense of Ukrainian as well as the minority languages of Ukraine. Paradoxically, their most important instrument has been the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages. However, the Russian language in Ukraine does not meet the criteria of a regional or minority language according to the Charter nor do those politicians who struggle for the rights of the native Russian language in the name of Russkiy mir represent the democratic values upon which the Charter is built, as perfectly reflected by the history of the unconstitutional language law of 2012. Seller Inventory # 9783838205076
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