What is the role of language in ethnic churches? This new and much needed account of the Australian experience examines the issues faced by sixteen congregations, together representing different periods of Australia’s migration history, as well as different languages, cultural backgrounds and Christian denominations. Drawing on the rich data provided by the study, the concept of “language–religion ideology” is developed to describe the nature of the relationship between language and religion which is exhibited by a denomination, with far-reaching implications for multilingual and multicultural societies.
"synopsis" may belong to another edition of this title.
Anya Woods is an Honorary Fellow in the Research Unit for Multilingual and Cross-Cultural Communication which is located in the School of Languages at the University of Melbourne, and is also engaged on an occasional basis in projects with the Linguistics Program in the School of Languages, Cultures and Linguistics at Monash University.
List of Tables and Figures, vii,
Series Editor's Foreword, ix,
Preface, xi,
Acknowledgements, xii,
1 Establishing the Context of the Study, 1,
2 Language-Religion Ideology in an Ethnic Church Context, 41,
3 Views from the Pulpit, 52,
4 Case Study 1: The Latvian Church, 65,
5 Case Study 2: The Indonesian Church, 105,
6 Some General Trends, 147,
7 Towards a New Framework, 161,
Appendix: Summary Tables of Data Gathered from Interviews with Ministers, 179,
References, 213,
Index, 217,
Establishing the Context of the Study
Introduction
The processes of immigration and refugee resettlement have brought to Australia a great diversity of peoples and with them many cultures, languages and faiths. Figures from the 2001 Census revealed that of the 68% of Australians who identify with the Christian religion (12.7 million), 1,746,452 – or 13.7% – speak a language other than English at home; thus a significant percentage of the population are likely to experience first hand the tensions that may exist where culture, language and faith intersect.
Many of these tensions are the result of having to find a place both within the Australian social culture as well as the Australian religious culture when these facets of the migrant's life are firmly bound in the experience of life beyond Australian shores. Whether the Christian migrant adopted the faith in Australia or in the home country, there lies the inevitable question of how this faith may be lived out in the Australian cultural context.
While the nature of the cultures from which migrants come varies enormously, so too do the circumstances under which they leave their homes to seek a new life. Many leave war-torn lands where lives were constantly at risk, where persecution was a daily reality, where freedoms were few and where escape was a dangerous and heart-wrenching ordeal. In fleeing, many leave behind not only their homes and belongings but family members and friends. There are many, too, who come without these acute pressures but for whom the prospect of life in a new country still holds great promise.
There are those for whom life has always been lived as a member of a minority group, with the associated struggles being all too familiar. In this process, some develop a degree of resilience and determination to preserve and maintain their culture at all costs. Similarly, the struggle may be for religious maintenance, where the individual may be part of the cultural and social majority but the religious minority.
The place of language in all of these scenarios differs accordingly. Many people come from bilingual and multilingual societies where different languages play different roles in the varying domains of life – such as work, school, home and religion – and where multilingualism is the norm and not the exception. Australia is extolled as a 'multicultural' society but the degree of multilingualism that it allows for is, in some senses, limited. Those from non-English-speaking backgrounds who come as monolinguals soon find that English is the language expected in almost every public domain. Under such circumstances English often extends to become the norm in the private domain as well.
While the religious expression of the Christian involves corporate worship and fellowship, part of the uniqueness of Christianity lies in the belief that one can enjoy a personal relationship with God, with 'one-on-one' communication. A Christian's language resources for use in the religious domain are, therefore, great because God is perceived as most Holy and most intimate all at once. The variety of language or languages a Christian uses in religious expression is a reflection of this and often of which aspect of the relationship the Christian feels is to be emphasised. In general terms, some may choose to use as a mark of veneration a language or variety of language which they deem to have a higher status and, in doing so, accord God the highest possible status. In contrast, a more colloquial type of language may be used – the variety used with close friends and family – as an expression of the intimacy of this relationship with God. And, of course, the Christian community, made up of a number of individuals each in relationship with God, reflects these language choices on a macro scale.
In the present work, the language needs, habits and preferences of Christian migrants will be explored as they are realised in 16 ethnic congregations in Melbourne, in order to move towards a more thoroughly documented response to the question of what is the role of language in ethnic churches?
The congregations involved in this study were selected for their ability to represent the heterogeneity of migrant communities in Melbourne. While some congregations were chosen because their members were part of the largest and most influential ethnic communities in Melbourne (such as Greek and Italian), others were chosen because of their relative 'obscurity' in Melbourne's cultural landscape (Oromo, for example). Importantly, they each represent different periods of Australia's migration history, as well as different languages, cultural backgrounds and religious orientations.
In some cases, the congregation chosen is both part of the ethnic community most commonly associated with a particular denomination and part of the denomination most commonly associated with their culture (such as Greeks in the Orthodox Church). In other cases, the congregation chosen may be part of a denomination which is not the dominant Christian grouping of their culture (such as Arabic speakers in the Baptist Church, when the majority of Arabic-speaking Christians are members of the Maronite, Melkite and Orthodox Churches).
In selecting the congregations for this study, it was determined that they should be members of, or closely affiliated with, the larger 'mainstream' denominations, i.e. not members of independent, unaffiliated churches. This was largely done to facilitate the collection of supporting material and to enable comparison between the experiences of different ethnic groups within the same denomination.
The 16 congregations which are the focus of this research are, therefore, from the Anglican Church of Australia – Chinese (Hakka) and Persian; from the Baptist Church – Arabic and Spanish; from the Lutheran Church of Australia – German, Latvian and Slovak; from the Reformed Churches of Australia – English (of Dutch heritage) and Chinese (Mandarin); from the Uniting Church in Australia – Indonesian, Oromo and Tamil; from the Catholic Church – Croatian and Italian; and from the Orthodox Church – Greek and Russian.
Two of these congregations – the Latvian Lutheran and the Indonesian Uniting – form case studies, enabling this research to illuminate the experiences of ethnic churches at both the macro and micro level.
The research is presented in four main sections. In order to establish the context of the study, a review of literature on multiculturalism and the Christian Church, relevant theories of language maintenance and a discussion of the role of language in the religious domain are provided in the remainder of the present chapter. This is further enhanced by a discussion of Australia's migration history and the Christian denominations which were brought with, developed by or integrated into the particular ethnic communities which form part of this research.
In Chapter 2 the notion of language–religion ideology is introduced and discussed as it applies to the denominations in this research.
The findings of this research are presented in Chapters 3–6. In the first of these chapters, the findings for the congregations are presented at a macro level. The diversity of experience of ethnic churches in Melbourne is then brought to life by descriptions of the two case studies in Chapters 4 and 5. In Chapter 6, results from all congregations are compared and discussed.
The final section of this study (Chapter 7) looks at various models of ethnic churches which have been proposed by other researchers and presents a revised model of language attitudes and practices which incorporates the notion of language–religion ideology. Conclusions are made and implications are discussed for ethnic churches and the denominations of which they are a part. Applications of this research to ethnic churches in other parts of the world are suggested, together with directions for further research.
As a major comparative study in a relatively under-researched field, it is hoped that the findings will add significantly to the understanding of community languages in the context of religious expression and might go some way towards clarifying the present state of and future directions for the vast number and variety of ethnic churches.
A note on terminology
The term 'community language' (CL) – rather than 'minority', 'foreign', 'migrant' or 'ethnic' language – has become the accepted term for a language other than English or an Aboriginal language which is present in Australian society (see discussion in Clyne 1991: 3) and is thus used throughout this work. It is similar to the Canadian term 'heritage language' in that it encompasses the fact that these languages are present as a result of immigration but are not merely used by first-generation immigrants. The term 'minority language', whilst acknowledging the place of these languages vis-à-vis a 'majority language', ignores the use of these languages by other ethnic groups within the community.
The term 'ethnic church' is widely used in Australia to refer to a church which is associated with a particular (minority) ethnic community: it may or may not use the community language. Ethnic churches are thus defined more on the basis of cultural affiliation than simply by the particular language used. Whilst acknowledging that 'ethnic' used in this sense is problematic in that it implies the existence of 'non-ethnic' churches (as if those of English-speaking background are ethnically 'neutral'), a more suitable term is not obvious. Other terms are occasionally found in use by individual churches, such as 'NESB (non-English-speaking background) congregation'; however, this is not widespread. It also does not take into account the fact that many of the members of the congregation may be second and third generation and may have English as a first language.
As a general rule, the term 'congregation' is used rather than 'church' to refer to specific groups involved in the research: some congregations were the sole occupants of their church building and could, therefore, be called a 'church', while other congregations shared church facilities and considered themselves one of many congregations making up a church. The terms are, to an extent, interchangeable.
Theoretical Framework
The body of literature on multiculturalism and the Christian Church, together with theories of language maintenance and the role of language in the religious domain, will be reviewed in order to establish the context of this research.
Multiculturalism and the Christian Church
Australian multiculturalism has been explored primarily through the fields of anthropology, sociology, sociolinguistics, education, history and politics but the literature concerning the relationship between religion and Australia's multicultural reality is still scanty.
In a Federal Government document entitled the National Agenda for a Multicultural Australia: Sharing our Future (1989: iv), the term 'multiculturalism' is defined in a number of statements:
In a descriptive sense 'multicultural' is simply a term which describes the cultural and ethnic diversity of contemporary Australia. We are, and will remain, a multicultural society.
As a public policy, multiculturalism encompasses government measures designed to respond to that diversity. It plays no part in migrant selection. It is a policy for managing the consequences of cultural diversity in the interests of the individual and society as a whole.
The Commonwealth Government has identified three dimensions of multicultural policy:
• cultural identity: the right of all Australians, within carefully defined limits, to express and share their individual cultural heritage, including their language and religion;
• social justice: the right of all Australians to equality of treatment and opportunity, and the removal of barriers of race, ethnicity, culture, religion, language, gender or place of birth; and
• economic efficiency: the need to maintain, develop and utilise effectively the skills and talents of all Australians, regardless of background.
These dimensions of policy are also based upon the premise that:
• all Australians should have an overriding and unifying commitment to Australia, to its interests and future first and foremost;
• all Australians are required to accept the basic structures of and principles of Australian society – the Constitution and the rule of law, tolerance and equality, Parliamentary democracy, freedom of speech and religion, English as the national language and equality of the sexes; and
• the right to express one's own culture and beliefs involves a reciprocal responsibility to accept the right of others to express their views and values.
Recent updates to this (Federal Government of Australia, 1999a, b) take multiculturalism in a different direction, emphasising that refugees and migrants have as many obligations as rights and calling attention to the need to maximise the economic benefits of multiculturalism.
English is still the language used in most Australian churches but the need to embrace variety in the Church is being called for more strongly today than ever before. The former Primate of the Anglican Church of Australia, the Reverend Dr Keith Rayner, called for the Anglican Church to 'face the challenge of becoming less English and more Australian' (Anglican General Synod Multicultural Committee, 1996). While this challenge is directed towards the most Anglo-centric of Australian churches, it needs to be addressed by all Christian churches in responding appropriately to Australian society.
However, as Houston (1986: xv) points out, 'multiculturalism is far more than mere tolerance, or simply living side by side competing for the same limited resources. It is neither the old American melting pot, nor a series of monocultural ghettos. Christians need to be clear why multiculturalism is superior to these historic options ...'.
Likewise, Conn, in his introduction to Ortiz's book One New People: Models for Developing a Multiethnic Church (1996: 10–11), writes:
multiculturalism in the church is not a quick fix marked by simple tolerance for one another or by some idealistic retreat into politically correct language. Repentance for racism or ethnocentrism requires intolerance for sin; changed language is a reflection of transforming grace displayed in more than only a courtroom or public arena. Opening the doors of a church or a theological seminary to embrace cultural diversity will not be accomplished by ecclesiastical busing. It is a struggle to live out truth and justice and compassion as a fellow member of the body of Christ.
Clearly, multiculturalism in the Australian Church is a great challenge, not because it goes against the tenets of the Christian faith – in fact, exactly the opposite – but because of the ethno-centric and essentially monocultural walls which the Christian Church in Australia has, in the past, built around itself.
As A Garden of Many Colours: The Report of the Archbishop's Commission on Multicultural Ministry and Mission (Anglican Diocese of Melbourne, 1985:35) states:
one may say that the central Christian doctrine of God, the Trinity, itself enshrines the principle behind true multiculturalism: unity in diversity, diversity in unity. Each 'Person' of the Trinity presents God genuinely to us, yet does not exhaust all that God is. In a similar manner, even though in a manner finite and flawed, each culture presents an authentic humanity but does not contain all that is human. Again, the members of the Triune Godhead each have their own identity in their inter-relationships, but are entirely open to each other. Likewise, the fullness of being human includes both a security in one's own identity and an openness to others. True multiculturalism has the best credentials.
If the Church is to be multicultural, there are implications for what this means in the daily practice of faith. For when it comes to the working out of how migrant Christians are to worship in the Australian context, the issues are many, the responses as varied as the groups themselves. These responses typically fall between two extremes – with Christians gathering in isolated, homeland-looking churches of the community group on the one hand, or, on the other, assimilating into a sea of largely English-speaking Christians in the mainstream Anglo-centric churches.
Excerpted from Medium or Message? by Anya Woods. Copyright © 2004 Anya Woods. Excerpted by permission of Multilingual Matters.
All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher.
Excerpts are provided by Dial-A-Book Inc. solely for the personal use of visitors to this web site.
"About this title" may belong to another edition of this title.
Seller: Anybook.com, Lincoln, United Kingdom
Condition: Good. Volume 1. This is an ex-library book and may have the usual library/used-book markings inside.This book has soft covers. In good all round condition. Please note the Image in this listing is a stock photo and may not match the covers of the actual item,400grams, ISBN:9781853597367. Seller Inventory # 5763745
Quantity: 1 available
Seller: Salsus Books (P.B.F.A.), Kidderminster, United Kingdom
Soft cover. Condition: Very Good. 1st Edition. xii 219pp paperback, very good (Linguistic Diversity and Language Rights). Seller Inventory # 047723
Seller: Books Puddle, New York, NY, U.S.A.
Condition: New. pp. 232. Seller Inventory # 2698184490
Seller: Majestic Books, Hounslow, United Kingdom
Condition: New. pp. 232 Illus. Seller Inventory # 95261429
Quantity: 1 available
Seller: Biblios, Frankfurt am main, HESSE, Germany
Condition: New. pp. 232. Seller Inventory # 1898184480
Seller: Basi6 International, Irving, TX, U.S.A.
Condition: Brand New. New. US edition. Expediting shipping for all USA and Europe orders excluding PO Box. Excellent Customer Service. Seller Inventory # ABEOCT25-224185