This book provides a holistic overview of what leads to success in foreign language learning at an early age and deepens our understanding of early foreign language learning. The studies use an array of methodological approaches to research learners aged between three and ten, as well as their parents and teachers, in instructional, minimal-input settings. They describe various ways of organising and promoting very early foreign language learning, both through language policy and innovative pedagogy, and focus on ways of providing input for second language acquisition, which include oral classroom discourse strategies, as well as learner development of literacy skills. Special attention is given to the necessity to develop critical reading skills, the ability to handle multimodal texts, and attitudes, motivations and behaviours and how these may impact on the teaching and learning process. Chapters emphasise that ultimate outcomes depend on extra linguistic environmental factors, such as parental involvement and teacher competences. These include establishing control in the classroom, as well as using appropriate strategies for Negotiation of Meaning, and helping learners build positive self-concept. This book will be of interest to all professionals involved in the teaching of foreign languages to young learners, as well as to researchers, teacher educators and students working in this area.
"synopsis" may belong to another edition of this title.
Joanna Rokita-Jaskow is Associate Professor in Applied Linguistics at the Pedagogical University of Cracow, Poland, where she is Head of the ELT section. She is author of over 40 papers and three books and her main research interests concern child foreign and second language acquisition and foreign language teacher education. Melanie Ellis teaches at the Pedagogical University of Cracow, where she is Head of the Practical English section in the Department of English Language Education. Her research interests include foreign language learning assessment and supporting learners for whom foreign language learning presents a challenge.
Contributors, vii,
Introduction Joanna Rokita-Jaskow and Melanie Ellis, 1,
Part 1: Early Language Learning in Compulsory Instruction,
Introduction Melanie Ellis, 9,
1 Policy and Practice in Early Foreign Language Learning: The Case of Poland Joanna Rokita-Jaskow and Matgorzata Pamuta-Behrens, 11,
2 Integrating and Emulating: Early English Initiatives in Portugal Sandie Moumo, 26,
Part 2: Pathways to Developing Early L2 Oracy and Literacy,
Introduction Melanie Ellis, 51,
Forms and Functions of L2 Classroom Input,
3 From Research on Child L2 Acquisition of English to Classroom Practice Teresa Fleta, 57,
4 Spotting the Differences between Child-Child and Child-Adult Interactions: Evidence from Spanish EFL Learners at Low Levels of Proficiency Amparo Lâzaro-lbarrola and Raul Azplicueta-Martinez, 80,
5 The Role of Teacher Language in a Young Learner Classroom Matgorzata Szulc-Kurpaska, 106,
Pathways to Developing Early Literacy,
6 Young EFL Learners and Their Reading Awareness: A Case Study with Twins Renata Same, 129,
7 Effective Learning Interventions in Young Children: The Impact of Critical Reading Strategies Yolanda Ruiz de Zarebe and Maria Victoria Zenetz, 142,
8 Extensive Reading in Primary EFL: Can Story Apps Do the Trick? Annika Kelb and Senja Brunsmeier, 153,
Part 3: Pathways to Understanding Relationships in Early Foreign Language Learning and Teaching,
Introduction Melanie Ellis, 171,
9 Parental Perceptions of Bilingual Primary Schools in Poland: The (Added) Value of English Barbara Leranc-Paszylk, 175,
10 Parental Involvement in Very Early FL Education Joanna Rekita-Jaskew, 191,
11 Investigating the Self-Concept of Children with Special Educational Needs in the Context of Foreign Language Learning Werena Krol-Gierat, 206,
12 Power Relationships in an Early Foreign Language Classroom Ewa Guz and Matgerzata Tetiurka, 225,
Afterword Melanie Ellis and Jeanna Rekita-Jaskew, 242,
Author Index, 249,
Subject Index, 252,
Policy and Practice in Early Foreign Language Learning: The Case of Poland
Joanna Rokita-Jaskow and Malgorzata Pamula-Behrens
Introduction
A global economy, free travel, the simplified transfer of money and goods and opportunities for professional mobility have enforced the necessity to obtain foreign language (FL) competence as a means of establishing interpersonal contacts. A special role in the international market and communication has been acknowledged for English, which is now perceived as a global language (Crystal, 2003), or a lingua franca, due to its post-colonial dominance in many territories and its widespread use in the spheres of politics, economics and culture (including pop culture). English remains the means of communication between lay people and business partners alike, and in many circles knowledge of English is a precondition for advancing a career. This is described as the 'knowledge economy' (Williams, 2010).
It is not unusual, therefore, that in many societies that speak languages of rather low international recognition, the major goal for many individuals is to acquire English. Its fluent use is regarded as a competence required to obtain any employment (e.g. services for tourists), high prestige employment (e.g. top managerial positions, work in international companies) and often for social mobility. Shohamy (2006) further endorses this view by claiming that in countries where English is not spoken as an official language,
it is knowledge of the powerful global language, English, that often serves as a class marker enabling entrance to power groups in terms of education and social class and others such as universities and the labour market – while excluding others [...]
By contrast those who cannot speak English are the new form of underclass, whose participation and representation are minimized. (Shohamy, 2006: 144)
Not surprisingly then, in poststructuralist theories of language acquisition (e.g. Block, 2003; Lantolf & Thorne, 2006), language is an important capital that can boost the accumulation of other capital. Therefore, learning an FL is regarded as a considerable investment in better life opportunities. This conviction has particular strength in societies in which there is little presence of English in the public space or media (e.g. in the form of subtitled films), which would enable subconscious language acquisition. Where daily authentic contact with an FL is limited, heavy investments have to be made in FL instruction to enhance its frequency and effectiveness. An early start in an FL can be regarded as one of the means toward this goal, as starting early may prolong the overall period of learning and is more likely to result in the achievement of native-like competence. A case in point is Poland, or other countries in Central Europe where languages of Slavic origin are spoken.
The dominance of English has not only lowered the status of many other local languages in the world, but in some cases it has evicted them from daily use, a phenomenon known as linguistic imperialism (Phillipson, 2009). Consequently, there is a diminishing interest in learning other FLs. When one has to make a conscious choice, is possibly limited by time or economic resources and is fully aware of how much effort it takes to learn an FL, particularly in instructional settings, English is often the first FL chosen. The option of learning subsequent languages, however, remains attractive for those who are passionate FL learners.
To counteract the monopoly of one language that may even lead to the death of some minority languages globally (cf. Fishman, 2001), different educational and cultural institutions, such as the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) or the Council of Europe, exercise their power and undertake action to guarantee equal rights to all language users. By the same token, the goal of the European Union (EU) and its institutions is to promote multilingualism and lifelong learning of FLs. It is hoped that these measures will counteract the linguistic imperialism of English.
Another drawback that is brought about by globalisation is the sanctioning of economic deregulation in many spheres of life, which contributes to a heightened degree of inequality (Williams, 2010: 195). Therefore, another goal of the institutions aiming to guarantee the equal rights of individuals is to guarantee equal access to learning opportunities in order to prevent social exclusion on the grounds of inadequate resources or low socioeconomic status (SES).
To summarise, the goal of this chapter is to show how educational practice and educational aspirations can contribute to forming a supportive language education policy, and secondly, how politics and policy affect educational processes and outcomes. Ager (2001) distinguishes seven motives that are used as incentives in forming language policy. The top-down motives that are determined by state governments are identity, ideology, image creation, insecurity and inequality, of which the most relevant seem to be identity and inequality. The bottom-up motives are the voices of citizens, whose aspirations and opinions should be taken into account in democratic societies. These are integration with a group and instrumental motives for advancement. These aspects will be referred to when presenting the educational situation in Poland, which is an example of a country implementing an early language learning policy.
Top-Down Influences of an 'Early Start' Language Policy
An early start in FL instruction became the main objective of EU language education policy, not only for political reasons and to promote the idea of European integration, but also for the long-term benefits of early exposure to a language, as outlined in two important reports prepared for the European Commission (Blondin et al., 1998; Edelenbos et al., 2006). While the first report (Blondin et al., 1998) laid the ground for the second interim action plan of the EU (2004–2006), whose main objective was promoting lifelong learning of languages, the second report indicated the principles that should be followed in early FL education, including pre-primary education. On the basis of available data from linguistic research, it drew attention to the fact that the goal of very early instruction cannot and should not be to strive for native-like proficiency. Rather, the courses should be short and aimed at habituation to an FL. They should focus on raising metalinguistic and particularly phonological awareness, and intercultural awareness while recognising the influences of the mother tongue.
The report (Edelenbos et al., 2006) also emphasised that effective teaching of languages to young learners requires institutional support, which can ensure good quality teaching (e.g. through appropriate teacher training), the appropriate placing of languages in the curriculum, as well as guarantee continuity of language learning throughout the different school levels. Another goal of the early introduction of FLs in the curriculum is to counteract the possible negative impact of low SES, as this demographic variable seems to be the most influential mediating factor determining the ultimate outcomes in FL education. Learners from a lower socioeconomic background may have limited access to good quality teaching or educational materials, may participate less often in extracurricular language learning activities and may have limited or no opportunities to learn a language abroad. For these reasons, it seems that children have varied learning opportunities at the very start of their educational careers.
As a continuation of these arguments, two other important documents were issued by the European Commission, which reinforced key directions in European policy. These were a comparative study titled Early Language Learning at Pre-Primary Level in Europe: Current Situation and Future Perspectives (European Commission, 2011a) and a policy handbook for implementing FLs at the pre-primary level in the EU member state countries, titled Language Learning at Pre-Primary School Level: Making it Efficient and Sustainable (European Commission, 2011b). The first was a report of survey research carried out among national ministries of education in EU member states, aimed at describing instances of good practice and identifying key principles of good practice. This document laid the ground for the policy handbook. As outlined in the handbook, effective very early teaching of FLs should meet the following criteria: equity, quality, consistency and continuity.
The criterion of equity means that early foreign language learning (FLL) should be available to all children, regardless of their socioeconomic background. It had been found that in many settings (Poland is a case in point), for a long time FL instruction was taught on a private basis, even in state kindergartens, thereby leading to educational and social exclusion of those children whose parents could not afford it. Therefore, early FLL was often elitist. This can only be prevented if FLs are a part of the curriculum in public kindergartens.
The criteria of both quality and consistency denote that there should be similar teaching and learning conditions, curricula and materials with which children learn, again irrespective of the type of institution the children attend. This can be achieved if FLL is a part of the official curriculum and undergoes monitoring and evaluation. Following such a decision, governments should also support the appropriate provision of very young learner teacher education. These measures will help ensure that an FL is taught in a similar, consistent way across different institutions, and appropriate governmental support will ensure its quality.
The final criterion, continuity, says that once serious investments in early FLL are made, the continuity of teaching the FL should be guaranteed in the transfer from pre-primary to primary education, so that the language is continued and not started again from the very beginning.
The key terms used to characterise the fundamental directions in European language policy are: developing individual plurilingualism (i.e. knowledge of several FLs at a level suited to the learners' needs), linguistic diversity (ensuring that a variety of languages is accepted in the public space and in education), mutual understanding (acknowledgment of the fact that learning FLs is key to mutual communication and understanding of intercultural differences), democratic citizenship (i.e. participation in democratic processes in multilingual societies can only be enabled by means of plurilingualism) and social cohesion (assuming that all individuals have similar learning opportunities) (Council of Europe, 2006: 4).
Having said this, it can be clearly shown how Ager's top-down motives for language policy planning, such as identity, ideology, image creation, insecurity and inequality, manifest themselves in European language policy guidelines for the formulation of language policies in EU member states. The promoted identity of an individual is one of multilingual identity, i.e. through language learning, an individual should acquire multilingual competence that will enable him/her to function in the global/European society. This way, adopting a European identity is valued and should be strived for, not least in education. Learners should become aware of their common European heritage and relate their national cultures to the cultures of other nations. That is the cornerstone of another competence of the multilingual user, i.e. intercultural competence (Byram, 1997: 26).
The accompanying ideology is one of maintaining European integrity and solidarity by means of languages. The multilingual competence of European citizens is seen as an indispensable competence for the 'knowledge society', and the European economy should be competitive.
By the same token, the image that European institutions aim to create for the outside world is that of equity, i.e. all languages, including minority and regional languages, are equally valued and their use encouraged in the public space. What is more, languages that are in danger of extinction are protected or even revived. Education for these languages is also provided, as guaranteed in the European Charter for Regional or Minority Rights.
Finally, the two last motives of insecurity and inequality are treated as counter motives, in that these are phenomena the European policy is aiming to fight against. Language policy is rather aimed at providing equal learning opportunities and security (social cohesion) than providing barriers to social mobility.
Bottom-Up Influences Shaping Language Education Policy
The bottom-up influences that contribute to language policymaking are, as distinguished by Ager (2001), integration with a group and instrumental motives for advancement. As regards the first motive, what motivates learners to learn a particular FL is their desire to join a particular social group of well-established prestige, the elite. In the history of mankind, a superior status was assigned to different languages, from Latin in mediaeval Europe, to French in 19th-century intelligentsia/bourgeois circles, to the growing popularity of English in the 20th century. Clearly, knowledge of such a prestigious language was a means of social inclusion and a mark of belonging to the distinguished class. Lack of FLs in education or limited access to good quality education, particularly in the past, used to be one of the ways of restricting access to better job positions or limiting movement up the ladder of social mobility. This tendency may 16 Part 1: Early Language Learning in Compulsory Instruction still be true in hierarchical societies in some parts of Asia (Murphy & Evangelou, 2016: 8). It is less so in the more egalitarian European society, where knowledge of a prestigious language such as lingua franca English, or now more commonly several FLs (i.e. plurilingualism), is a precondition of getting a job in an international company. Thus, the motive of integration into a group may mean a desire to join a largely understood international society, to become a citizen of the world and to make use of the opportunities that mobility in the globalised world brings (Lamb, 2004).
An instrumental motive means that FL knowledge is a tool to obtain a better social position. It is a competence that brings immediate reward, and all the effort that has been invested in learning the FL is immediately rewarded. Advancement in society may mean both moving up the ladder of social mobility and occupying a higher-earning position. However, it has to be mentioned that the criteria for advancement become stringent as there is less space at the top, yet there are more people, thanks to the development of new technologies, who share similar qualities, such as knowledge of lingua franca English. As expectations increase, the knowledge of just one language may not be enough.
In such a situation, it is no wonder that in an instructional setting, investments in early FLL have to start early, thereby prolonging the overall time devoted to the process and increasing the chances of FL mastery. In the case of very young learners, it is usually the parents who make educational decisions for their children and, for example, enrol them in very early FL instruction. It is their educational aspirations for their children's future achievement that incline them to make such decisions. This need was voiced in the Barcelona Presidency Conclusions (European Council, 2002). In Point 44 of this document, it was explicitly stated that two languages have to be taught from a very early age if 'improved quality, facilitation of universal access, and opening-up to the wider world' are to be guaranteed (European Council, 2002: 19).
For many parents of young learners in Poland, globalisation is synonymous with Europeanisation, hence the willingness to learn European languages. This choice and these aspirations are also recognised in the European policy guidebook. Beacco and Byram (2003) state that
the forms of plurilingualism (number and nature of linguistic varieties) to be promoted and developed will be defined specifically in relation to each situation (national, regional or local), the sociolinguistic situation (varieties present in the geographical area), and collective needs and group aspirations. (Beacco & Byram, 2003: 68; emphasis added)
A study of how parental aspirations can contribute to forming early language learning policy was conducted by Rokita-Jaskow (2013). The findings of her study showed that parental aspirations in Poland for their children's FL achievement had not been satisfied by the 2008 reform that was implemented in 2009 (Ministry of Polish Education, 2008), which introduced obligatory FL instruction from the onset of schooling, i.e. from the age of 7;0 (and from 2014 from the age of 6;0). Despite the fact that languages have been commonly taught in the public and private (after-class) sphere, and the continuity of FL teaching was guaranteed in the 2008 reform, parents generally wanted their children to start FLL earlier and learn even more languages, although English was still prioritised.
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