Straight A's: Asian American College Students in Their Own Words - Softcover

 
9781478000242: Straight A's: Asian American College Students in Their Own Words

Synopsis

The American Dream of success for many Asian Americans includes the highest levels of education. But what does it mean to live that success? In Straight A’s Asian American students at Harvard reflect on their common experiences with discrimination, immigrant communities, their relationships to their Asian heritage, and their place in the university. They also explore the difficulties of living up to family expectations and the real-world effects of the "model minority" stereotype. While many of the issues they face are familiar to a wide swath of college students, their examinations of race, ethnicity, gender and sexuality, and culture directly speak to the Asian American experience in U.S. higher education. Unique and revealing, intimate and unreserved, Straight A’s furthers the conversation about immigrant histories, racial and ethnic stereotypes, and multiculturalism in contemporary American society.

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About the Author

Christine R. Yano is Professor of Anthropology at the University of Hawai‘i.

Neal K. Adolph Akatsuka is Coordinator of Publications and Programs at the Mahindra Humanities Center, Harvard University.

The Asian American Collective: Joan Zhang (head), Claudine Cho, Amy Chyao, Shannen Kim, Brooke Nowakowski McCallum, Min-Woo Park, Lee Ann Song, Helen Zhao

Contributors: Josephine Kim, Franklin Odo, Jeannie Park

Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.

Straight A's

Asian American College Students in their Own Words

By Christine R. Yano, Neal K. Adolph Akatsuka

Duke University Press

Copyright © 2018 Duke University Press
All rights reserved.
ISBN: 978-1-4780-0024-2

Contents

Acknowledgments,
Foreword / FRANKLIN ODO,
Introduction: Tiger Tales and Their Tellings / CHRISTINE R. YANO,
1 Family and Class,
2 Race,
3 Sexuality and Gender,
4 Intimacy,
5 Mental Health,
6 Organizations,
7 Extracurricular Activities,
Conclusion: Straightness and Its Consequences / CHRISTINE R. YANO,
Reflection: One Alum's Perspective / JEANNIE PARK,
Afterword / JOSEPHINE KIM,
References,
Asian American Collective,


CHAPTER 1

Family and Class


It is fitting that student stories begin with the family. During college years, students may taste freedom from their parents and family home — often the strongest ties to their ethnicity — for the first time in their lives (Min and Kim 2000: 743). Yet, as the voices in this chapter illustrate, freedom does not always mean disjuncture: stories of family not only shape the core of many student lives, but also serve as the foil for future selves.

Given the diversity inherent in the category of "Asian American" though, a topic explored in greater detail in chapter 2, family inevitably comes in many shapes and forms, especially in terms of immigration and class. A substantial majority (74 percent) of Asian American adults as a whole are foreign born, but ethnic groups differ in the proportion constituted by recent immigrants (Goyette and Xie 1999: 25; Pew Research Center 2013). In contrast to the working-class origins of many Asian immigrants who arrived in the late nineteenth and earlier twentieth centuries as contract laborers, many Asian immigrants arriving after 1965 are highly educated and held white-collar and professional careers in their home countries or arrived as refugees (Kibria 1998: 947; Zhou and Xiong 2005: 1127). While Japanese, Chinese, South Asian, and Filipino American family incomes may surpass that of whites on one hand, Chinese, Vietnamese, Laotian, Cambodian, and Hmong American families have high poverty rates on the other (Goyette and Xie 1999: 23–24). Such differences in immigrant generation and class situate families disparately and differentially, hinted by student stories in their personal observations of the range of socioeconomic backgrounds of Asian American students at Harvard.

As such, the stereotypes of the homogenizing model minority myth regarding family and class — such as familial piety and economic success (i.e., middle- to upper-class status) — inevitably gloss over the complex lived reality of Asian American students. For example, some students like Mattias Arendt share stories of commonly held "Asian values" of hard work, duty, and obedience promoted by parents and grandparents (and thus potentially reinforcing racialized stereotypes). Others like Joanna Lu refuse narratives of simple top-down ingraining and facile acceptance of such values. Lu asserts that while she shares her parents' values and plans to transmit those same values to future generations, she nonetheless remains true to herself. She reflexively and actively seeks to find her own place, accepting the values of her parents, but only as a basis for her personal, evolving narrative.

By contrast, another student, Nancy Lim, describes how the values of her upbringing act as a restriction on her personal autonomy, presenting a "narrow path of obedience." Lim, like many other Asian Americans born and raised in the United States with Asian immigrant parents, struggles to balance both her Asian family values and mainstream Western values (Lee, Su, and Yoshida 2005: 389). Here, as elsewhere, the mother provides the fulcrum of both love and conflict. Lim acridly describes her relationship with her mother as one between a creator and the created product: the created owes everything to the creator, but at what point might the created be allowed the freedom to truly leave? Lu believes her situation arises from a misapplication of Asian values in a Western context, with Asian parenting providing both a toolkit for success, as well as its very limitation.

Other narratives illustrate shades of ambivalence wrapped up in the values of their family. Hannah Cheng describes questioning and reevaluating the role of her family values and achievement itself in her identity after arriving at Harvard and taking a course on Asian American studies. By thinking through the model minority stereotype, Cheng came to see so much of herself — "that very obedient child" — within it, causing her to consider just who she was. Yet, after she questioned her mother about her heretofore venerated obedience, she was surprised to discover the nuances in her mother's response, who considered her daughter not particularly obedient or rebellious, but simply on an individual path quite different from her own. For Cheng, the problem lies less in the values of her family or views of her mother, and more in terms of the model minority myth that seeks to characterize these values as fixed and monolithic.

The narratives in this chapter also illustrate how socioeconomics can both complicate and emphasize purportedly Asian values such as hard work, duty, and filial piety, especially for recent, or children of, immigrants. For some students, the socioeconomic struggle and sacrifice of parents empower and prompt them to embrace such values, while for others struggle and sacrifice threaten to overpower personal autonomy and present the limitations of Asian values.

For example, Taryn describes the impact of her immigrant mother on her sense of duty and career aspirations. Reflecting on her mother's journey from minimum-wage waitress to manager of her own business, Taryn can only see her own life of academic achievement that led to admission to Harvard as intertwined with her mother's sacrifices and struggles. The result is both an empowering resolve to succeed, as well as an overwhelming sense of repayment, even conceptualized in monetary terms. As she concludes: "I want to make enough [money] to provide for her [mother]." She is not alone, mirroring a strong desire and responsibility felt by many Asian American offspring to pursue a financially stable and lucrative career out of respect for their parents' immigrant experiences and sacrifice (Park 2005: 112).

For others, socioeconomic sacrifice and parental struggle can weigh too heavily, threatening their own sense of personal agency. Describing life with her parents who worked hard to immigrate to America during the Cultural Revolution in China, Leah Li recalls her own life constantly framed by her father's example of hard work and self-discipline. "If you only had 10 percent of your dad's work ethic ..." became the common refrain, voiced by her mother, that kept her toeing the line. Similarly, Clarissa Lee argues that the sacrifice of her parents inevitably permeates her life and options. She avidly pursues the day when she can break free, "when my journey is no longer 'our journey.'"

Throughout many of these stories, mothers play a large role in student lives. The centrality of the mother is exactly what the Tiger Mom narrative asserts. Given the place of the mother as the emotional heart of many families in Asia — even as fathers officially occupy the heads of families in patrilineal kinship systems — this is not unexpected. However, the special place of mothers in immigrant families — including working mothers — is important to keep in mind here. The mother may often take the role of a conduit to Asia: cooking Asian foods on a daily basis (although Asian fathers may take pride in cooking special meals), maintaining relations with diasporic relatives, enacting family rituals. She may be the parent held responsible for children's education, researching schools (if even through word of mouth), taking charge of extra lessons, keeping a watchful eye on homework, tests, grades. Moreover, the network of Asian American mothers within their own communities creates a web of knowledge, expectations, and sometimes competition. The mother-adult child relationship thus intertwines the responsibilities, dreams, and sacrifice of not only an individual parent, but also that of an entire community and even diasporic family. The tie binds tightly and deeply through layers of emotion constituting the parental bond. Mother — the emotional core of many families, setting and enforcing the rules, smoothing the cracks, establishing and maintaining the daily ostinato of the household — becomes the heartbeat that is inseparable from talk of family. Such a significant and dominant role can engender both affection, as illustrated in the stories dedicated to their mothers by Anna Ching and Catherine Chiu, and tension, as illustrated in Nancy Lim's maternal tale of meticulous control.

The narratives in this chapter not only illustrate the need to appreciate a broader range of experiences with and reactions to the values of family described by the model minority myth, but also acknowledge the impact of class and immigration on such experiences and reactions.


INTERVIEWS

Interview with Taryn Kim, Part I

AAC What do you think defines "authenticity" in terms of food and even in Asian American identity? What makes an authentic "Korean"?

TARYN There are specific values that all Koreans identify with and identify within themselves. Koreans have a strong identity with each other. When you meet a fellow Korean in a place that doesn't have a lot of Koreans, there's an immediate sense of kinship even though you're not related. Maybe it's because Korea's a tiny country and Korean people have been close to each other for long periods of time.

There's also the value of respecting your elders. Korea has a very strict hierarchy and it affects almost every aspect of your life. The way you speak, the language that you use for addressing your elders is way different from the way you address your peers; it's a completely separate system. The strong family aspect [of being] Korean affects me: to be a dutiful daughter, to care for my grandparents, and to respect my elders. As a young person, when I go to Korea, there's a strong social system that I have to follow. It's not oppressive, but it's an understood custom.

Koreans also value the idea of a success story. They categorize people according to "Did this person succeed? Did this person not succeed?" People's standards for success differ in some ways, but there's this overwhelming sense [that success is defined by] wealth, rising above the challenges that you face initially, and giving back to the nation. Koreans gather together around people like Yuna Kim [a South Korean Olympic figure skater]. There was no one on the streets in Korea the day that she performed in the Olympics. Everyone was somewhere watching her [on television].

There is a deep sense of pride. Koreans really want the Western world to know they are li hai (strong), they are capable, they are not less than Western people. It's kind of funny because Korean people really idolize the West a lot, especially appearance, brands, lifestyles. The gym is becoming more popular in Korea now; it never was before. Education, of course. It's interesting that, [although] in one respect people want to become more Western, they still want to distinguish themselves. We're Koreans: we're completely capable of succeeding and achieving in our own way. It's cool, but it's kind of hard.

Older Koreans think that to be Western is to have freer values: she's not going to be a doctor or lawyer, she's going to start a band. It is so extreme, this idea of becoming "Westernized": you are going to go and do your own thing without thinking about all the sacrifice that got you to the place where you can even make a decision about what to achieve. [As a Korean], you are not standing on your own. You have your family who sacrificed for you and you are representing Korea. I've always gotten the message from my grandparents [that you should] advocate for Korea, represent it, and know where you are from. There's a sense that you need to be reliable.

I don't think [the pressure to succeed] is all parentally driven in America, now. My mom has never told me to do a certain job. I'm so glad she didn't tell me that. [Nevertheless,] the only jobs I felt I could do were still [be a] lawyer or doctor. It was because I felt pressure from her because she gave up so much. I have to give back to her, so only jobs that make enough money are acceptable. It's very money-based. I want to make enough to provide for her.

AAC How do you think your mom defined what it is to be an Asian woman for you? How has she shifted stereotypes for you?

TARYN She has definitely shifted stereotypes for me. I remember her telling me, "Taryn, I'm going to get a Mercedes. I'm going to dress as well as I can. I'm going to never look like I just got out of bed to go to work. I'm going to always look presentable. I'm always going to treat other people with respect, because I don't want other people to look down on me because I am a minority or because my English is bad." I can see there is pride that she wants to protect and she has dignity.

When I see her interact with her customers, I see how she commands their respect by becoming so open, hospitable, and welcoming. She creates this. I think of the restaurant as a microcosm or oasis of many people and cultures coming together to enjoy food, which is a human experience. And she is someone who does challenge stereotypes. It's not that she dresses better to overcome something that's lacking or anything. She wants to bridge or place herself on equal standing with other people, and that's just the way she does that. Customers definitely respect her and what she gives to them, which is an authentic Korean experience. I see that there is nothing to be ashamed of in being Asian in a predominantly white culture or country. This Korean woman becomes and reinvents what I can be: someone who can engage with people from both countries.

My mom has changed so much, though. She was a fresh-offthe-boat Asian. She struggled with so many things. [Once, she] left her children in the car and got in trouble [with] the police. And [she] really struggled to make out conversations. [She] only came here to follow her husband. For me, she is the model immigrant in that she really started working as a minimum-wage waitress and eventually took over the restaurant. She started to find herself and gained confidence, managed her own business, and will return back to Korea after sending her kids to college. I've seen her grow so much.

Receiving that kind of education does put a lot of pressure [on me], but it's a constant reminder that she created a space for me here to thrive in. It's intentional that I'm here [at Harvard]. There's a sense of responsibility and the opportunity to prove myself, [though] there are a lot of different problems. I don't think I'm going to live my life for my mom, but I do feel empowered by her.


Interview with Mattias Arendt, Part I

AAC Have Asian American immigrant histories shaped your experience? How has your family background helped make who you are?

MATTIAS I think definitely my grandfather and my grandmother on my mom's side, as the immigrants, yeah, they've definitely passed down the values of frugality and, you know, not wasting food, especially, and money.

Even though our mom is Asian American, she would still expose us ... we'd go to Chinatown a lot. We'd talk about Chinese heritage a lot. Also our grandmother speaks Chinese and Chinese heritage is a big part of where she comes from.

AAC Was she very present while you were growing up?

MATTIAS Yeah, she was very present. We talked to her very often. She's very full of values.

AAC Are they more Asian values, do you feel?

MATTIAS Yeah, yeah, they're definitely more Asian. Well, for one, she's very strict on working hard, studying hard, and being responsible. You know, she'll always ask, "So how are you doing in school? How are your exams going?" So that's one. But also, she's really strict on a couple other things. Second of all, oh my god, she's crazy, she very much instilled financial [values] like saving money, not spending a lot. And this has gotten passed down; this is like my mom, too, and us.

AAC Ahh, frugality.

MATTIAS Yes, frugality. For example, when she gets a magazine, she'll go through every single page and tear out every single coupon and pin them up on her refrigerator. And the next time we go anywhere, she'll stand in front of them and be, like, "What do we need from the grocery? This week, let's get this, because I have a coupon for it," or like, "We need to go to this restaurant this week because the coupon expires then."

AAC [Laughing] That sounds like my parents. That's funny. You said this carries over to you?

MATTIAS Well, not to such an extreme extent. Well, I'm not even sure if it carries over to us. My grandmother is very practical. My mom is very practical, and that carries over. Like making sure that in the job search, my mom will always be, like, "Make sure you find a good job ..."

And then, third, my mom is very big on not wasting food. That's a big one.

And then also a work ethic. That's something I've always felt personally. I don't know if that's necessarily a part of Asian American heritage, but there tends to be this stereotype that there is this strong emphasis on a good work ethic in Asian American families. That's something that my mom also talks about a lot. Maybe that's a product of that history.

AAC What does it mean for you to be Asian American at Harvard? Is it a source of pride for your family?


(Continues...)
Excerpted from Straight A's by Christine R. Yano, Neal K. Adolph Akatsuka. Copyright © 2018 Duke University Press. Excerpted by permission of Duke University Press.
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9781478000105: Straight A's: Asian American College Students in Their Own Words

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