"synopsis" may belong to another edition of this title.
Renowned historian Roger Chartier, one of the most brilliant and productive of the younger generation of French historians now refashioning the Annales tradition, attempts in this book to analyze the causes of the French Revolution not simply by pinpointing its 'cultural origins' but by investigating the conditions that 'made it possible because conceivable.'Translated by Lydia G. Cochrane.
Acknowledgments,
Editors' Introduction,
Introduction,
1. Enlightenment and Revolution; Revolution and Enlightenment,
2. The Public Sphere and Public Opinion,
3. The Way of Print,
4. Do Books Make Revolutions?,
5. Dechristianization and Secularization,
6. A Desacralized King,
7. A New Political Culture,
8. Do Revolutions Have Cultural Origins?,
Conclusion,
Notes,
For Further Reading,
Index,
ENLIGHTENMENT AND REVOLUTION; REVOLUTION AND ENLIGHTENMENT
* * *
ANY REFLECTION ON THE CULTURAL ORIGINS OF THE French Revolution leads ineluctably back to a classic, Daniel Mornet's Les Origines intellectuelles de la Révolution française 1715–1787. Mornet's work seems to dictate the only possible perspective for further work, a perspective that postulates an evident and obligatory connection between the progress of new ideas throughout the eighteenth century and the emergence of the Revolution as an event. For Mornet, three laws governed the penetration of the new ideas that he identified with the Enlightenment into general public opinion. First, ideas descended the social scale from "the highly cultivated classes toward the bourgeoisie, the petty bourgeoisie, and the people." Second, this penetration spread from the center (Paris) toward the periphery (the provinces). Finally, the process accelerated during the course of the century, beginning with minorities who anticipated the new ideas before 1750 and continuing in the decisive and mobilizing conflicts of the mid-century to arrive, after 1770, at a universal diffusion of the new principles. This led Mornet to the book's underlying thesis, that "it was, in part, ideas that determined the French Revolution." Even if he did not deny the importance — indeed, the primacy — of political causes, Mornet set up Enlightenment thought, in both its critical and its reforming aspects, as a necessary precondition for the final crisis of the old monarchy as it moved toward revolution: "Political causes would doubtless not have been sufficient to determine the Revolution, at least not as rapidly. It was intelligence that drew out and organized its consequences."
In spite of his prudence and his rectifications (clearly signaled in his writing by expressions such as "in part," "doubtless," and "at least"), Mornet postulated a necessary connection between the Enlightenment and the Revolution. The reasons for the Revolution were, of course, not entirely contained in philosophy, but without transformations in "public thought" wrought by "the intelligence," that event could not have occurred when it did. This led Mornet to a working hypothesis that for the last fifty years has haunted both the intellectual history and the cultural sociology of the eighteenth century.
The Chimera of Origins
Doubts have arisen, however, that insinuate that the question may have been badly put. First of all, under what conditions is it legitimate to set up a collection of scattered and disparate facts or ideas as "causes" or "origins" of an event? The operation is not as self-evident as it may seem. On the one hand, it supposes a sorting-out process that retains, out of the innumerable realities that make up the history of an epoch, only the matrix of the future event. On the other hand, it demands a retrospective reconstruction that gives unity to thoughts
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