The Adams-Jefferson Letters: The Complete Correspondence Between Thomas Jefferson and Abigail and John Adams (Published by the Omohundro Institute of ... and the University of North Carolina Press) - Softcover

Softcover

ISBN 10: 0807842303 ISBN 13: 9780807842300

Publisher: University North Carolina Pr, 1988

Synopsis

An intellectual dialogue of the highest plane achieved in America, the correspondence between John Adams and Thomas Jefferson spanned half a century and embraced government, philosophy, religion, quotidiana, and family griefs and joys. First meeting as delegates to the Continental Congress in 1775, they initiated correspondence in 1777, negotiated jointly as ministers in Europe in the 1780s, and served the early Republic--each, ultimately, in its highest office. At Jefferson's defeat of Adams for the presidency in 1800, they became estranged, and the correspondence lapses from 1801 to 1812, then is renewed until the death of both in 1826, fifty years to the day after the Declaration of Independence. Lester J. Cappon's edition, first published in 1959 in two volumes, provides the complete correspondence between these two men and includes the correspondence between Abigail Adams and Jefferson. Many of these letters have been published in no other modern edition, nor does any other edition devote itself exclusively to the exchange between Jefferson and the Adamses. Introduction, headnotes, and footnotes inform the reader without interrupting the speakers. This reissue of The Adams-Jefferson Letters in a one-volume unabridged edition brings to a broader audience one of the monuments of American scholarship and, to quote C. Vann Woodward, 'a major treasure of national literature.' |In a compelling story of the installation and operation of U.S. bases in the Caribbean colony of Trinidad during World War II, Harvey Neptune examines how the people of this British island contended with the colossal force of American empire-building at a critical time in the island's history. He explores the military-based economy, relationships between U.S. servicemen and Trinidadian women, and the influence of American culture on local music (especially calypso), fashion, labor practices, and everyday racial politics. Neptune also places this history of Trinidad's modern times into a wider Caribbean and Latin American perspective, highlighting how Caribbean peoples sometimes wield ""America"" and ""American ways"" as part of their localized struggles.

About this title

About the Author

The late Lester J. Cappon was director of the Institute of Early American History and Culture and editor-in-chief of the Atlas of Early American History: The Revolutionary Era, 1760-1790.

From the Back Cover

The correspondence between John Adams and Thomas Jefferson embraces government, philosophy, religion, quotidiana, and family griefs and joys. It begins in 1777, ceases in 1801 after Jefferson's defeat of Adams for the presidency, resumes in 1812, and continues until the death of both in 1826.

Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.

Adams-Jefferson Letters

The Complete Correspondence Between Thomas Jefferson and Abigail and John AdamsBy Lester J. Cappon

University of North Carolina Press

Copyright © 1988 Lester J. Cappon
All right reserved.
ISBN: 9780807842300

Chapter One

"The great Work of Confederation,
draggs heavily on"

* MAY 1777-OCTOBER 1781 *

John Adams and Thomas Jefferson first met in Philadelphia duringthe summer of 1775 as delegates to the Continental Congress. Adamswas thirty-nine, Jefferson thirty-two. Both were lawyers and each hadto his credit several years' experience in the lower house of his provinciallegislature. The elder, who had represented Massachusetts inthe Congress of 1774, quickly became identified as a radical in theconflicting loyalties and emotions of the times. His authorship of theanonymous Novanglus letters, printed in January 1775, was not longin doubt, so vigorously did they uphold the rights of the Bay Colonyagainst the oppression of the British government. The younger delegatehad exposed himself even earlier to the charge of radicalism inhis Summary View of the Rights of British America, resolutions whichhe sent to friends in advance of his attending the Virginia House ofBurgesses in 1774. Without asking his permission, they supplied thetitle, "By a Native, and Member of the House of Burgesses," and hadit printed at Williamsburg in August of that year. Within a fewmonths it was reprinted in Philadelphia, again anonymously, thusbranding the author, who was easily identified, as one of the revolutionaryvanguard even before he took his seat in Congress.

    During 1775-76 Jefferson and Adams found themselves on the sameside of the debates, impatient with the moderates whose hope for conciliationwas stronger than their love of liberty, and they readily tookeach other's measure. The fledgling from Virginia was impressed byAdams's clarity of argument and forcefulness of phrase, and by his"sound head on substantial points"; the latter probed the depth ofthe reticent Jefferson, whose "reputation of a masterly pen" had wonconsiderable recognition.

    During May 1776 the movement in Congress on behalf of independencewas accelerated in response to the more advanced developmentsin some of the colonies; and after Richard Henry Lee's resolutionof June 7 that "the Congress should declare that these United Coloniesare and of right ought to be free and independent states," Adams andJefferson were appointed to the committee of five, with BenjaminFranklin, Roger Sherman, and Robert R. Livingston, to draft a declarationof independence. To Adams it seemed a foregone conclusionthat Jefferson the Virginian, rather than an "obnoxious" New Englander,should write the declaration. There is no uncertainty as toauthorship, however much some critics may question its originality.Although Adams hailed Congress's adoption of Lee's resolution forindependence on July 2 as "the most memorable epocha in the historyof America," Jefferson's Declaration, designed to convince a "candidworld" that separation from Great Britain was both just and justifiable,has forever fixed the Fourth of July as the anniversary of Americanindependence.

    The association of Adams and Jefferson in the Continental Congresscontinued until September 2, 1776, when Jefferson left Philadelphiato return to Monticello. During the next five years, however, hespent only intermittent periods of a few weeks or months at home, forhe was a conscientious member of the Virginia House of Delegatesand served on innumerable committees. His attendance in Congresshad deprived him of the opportunity to participate in the revolutionaryConvention which established the Commonwealth of Virginia, buthe now played an important part in assuring the reality of the Revolutionto his own people through the orderly operation of government.Two of those years, 1779-81, were spent as governor, when militarynecessity often threatened civil rights. Adams's services continuedon the national stage which, for him, merged with the internationalearly in 1778. He had been a member of the American delegation thatmet Lord Howe on Staten Island in June 1776 to consider impossibleterms of reconciliation with Great Britain. Among his many committeeassignments, Adams drafted the credentials of the commissioners toFrance (originally Franklin, Arthur Lee, and Silas Deane), and inFebruary 1778 he was aboard the frigate Boston en route to France toreplace Deane. Ten years of diplomatic service were to be interruptedonly by his brief stay in Massachusetts in 1779 as a member of itsConstitutional Convention.

    Though Jefferson and Adams thus viewed the issues of the waryears from different vantage points, one as a local legislator andexecutive, the other as a national legislator and diplomat, they stillfound themselves in fundamental agreement harking back to theircollaboration in Congress. From this background and set of circumstancesbegan their correspondence, on a limited scale: six letters inseven years of war and revolution.

    In the opening letters of May 1777 they discussed a crucial needof their time—strength and unity of purpose at home in order to winsympathy and support abroad. It was questionable how long the resolute"join or die" spirit that initiated the conflict could survive theattrition of localism and provincial prejudice. In the protracted winningof the war the Americans left an abundant record of defeatism,promoted by successive armies of occupation and the disintegration ofcivilian life and loyalties. Despite the untiring efforts of Adams andJefferson on behalf of independence, it was a distant goal when theybegan their correspondence in 1777. An undercurrent of discouragementruns through it, in their discussion of requisitioning troops forthe Continental Army, financing the war—"Financiers," declaredAdams, "we want more than Soldiers"—and regulating trade.

    Both men were convinced that confederation was "a great and necessarywork," but Jefferson doubted that any implied power shouldbe left open to Congress. He was also concerned about the votingpower of the states under the Articles and his proposal for reconcilingthe differences between the large and the small states anticipated oneof the fundamental issues in the Federal Convention of 1787. AlthoughAdams conceded that the "Work of Confederation, draggsheavily on," he was the more optimistic: "I don't despair of it."But it was four years before the Articles of Confederation were ratifiedby nine states and went into effect in 1781; and it was threemore years before the careers of Jefferson and Adams converged onthe diplomatic scene in Europe.

Jefferson to Adams

Williamsburgh May 16. 1777.

Dear Sir

    Matters in our part of the continent are too much in quiet to send younews from hence. Our battalions for the Continental service were sometime ago so far filled as rendered the recommendation of a draught fromthe militia hardly requisite, and the more so as in this country it ever wasthe most unpopular and impracticable thing that could be attempted. Ourpeople even under the monarchical government had learnt to consider itas the last of all oppressions. I learn from our delegates that the Confederationis again on the carpet. A great and a necessary work, but I fear almostdesperate. The point of representation is what most alarms me, as I fearthe great and small colonies are bitterly determined not to cede. Will yoube so good as to recollect the proposition I formerly made you in privateand try if you can work it into some good to save our union? It was thatany proposition might be negatived by the representatives of a majorityof the people of America, or of a majority of the colonies of America.The former secures the larger the latter the smaller colonies. I have mentionedit to many here. The good whigs I think will so far cede theiropinions for the sake of the Union, and others we care little for. Thejournals of congress not being printed earlier gives more uneasiness thanI would ever wish to see produced by any act of that body, from whomalone I know our salvation can proceed. In our assembly even the bestaffected think it an indignity to freemen to be voted away life and fortunein the dark. Our house have lately written for a M.S. copy of yourjournals, not meaning to desire a communication of any thing orderedto be kept secret. I wish the regulation of the post office adopted byCongress last September could be put in practice. It was for the riders totravel night and day, and to go their several stages three times a week.The speedy and frequent communication of intelligence is really ofgreat consequences. So many falshoods have been propagated that nothingnow is believed unless coming from Congress or camp. Our people merelyfor want of intelligence which they may rely on are become lethargickand insensible of the state they are in. Had you ever a leisure moment Ishould ask a letter from you sometime directed to the care of Mr. Dick,Fredericksburgh: but having nothing to give in return it would be a taxon your charity as well as your time. The esteem I have for you privately,as well as for your public importance will always render assurances ofyour health and happiness aggreable. I am Dear Sir Your friend and servt:

Th: Jefferson

Adams to Jefferson

Philadelphia May 26. 1777

My dear Sir

    I had this Morning, the Pleasure of your Favour of the Sixteenth inst,by the Post; and rejoice to learn that your Battallions, were so far fill'd,as to render a Draught from the Militia, unnecessary. It is a dangerousMeasure, and only to be adopted in great Extremities, even by popularGovernments. Perhaps, in Such Governments Draughts will never bemade, but in Cases, when the People themselves see the Necessity of them.Such Draughts are widely different from those made by Monarchs, tocarry on Wars, in which the People can see, no Interest of their ownnor any other object in View, than the Gratification of the Avarice, Ambition,Caprice, Envy, Revenge, or Vanity of a Single Tyrant. Draughtsin the Massachusetts, as they have been there managed, have not beenvery unpopular, for the Persons draughted are commonly the wealthiest,who become obliged to give large Premiums, to their poorer Neighbours,to take their Places.

    The great Work of Confederation, draggs heavily on, but I dont despairof it. The great and Small States must be brought as near together aspossible: and I am not without Hopes, that this may be done, to thetolerable Satisfaction of both. Your Suggestion, Sir, that any Propositionmay be negatived, by the Representatives of a Majority of the People, orof a Majority of States, shall be attended to, and I will endeavour to getit introduced, if We cannot Succeed in our Wishes for a Representationand a Rule of voting, perfectly equitable, which has no equal, in my Mind.

    Nothing gives me, more constant Anxiety, than the Delays, in publishingthe Journals. Yet I hope, Gentlemen will have a little Patience withUs. We have had a Committee constantly attending to this very Thing,for a long Time. But we have too many Irons in the Fire, you know forTwenty Hands, which is nearly the whole Number We have had uponan Average Since, last fall. The Committee are now busy, every day incorrecting Proof Sheets, So that I hope We Shall Soon do better.

    A Committee on the Post office, too, have found, a thousand difficulties.The Post is now very regular, from the North and South, altho it comesbut once a Week. It is not easy to get faithfull Riders, to go oftener. TheExpense is very high, and the Profits, (so dear is every Thing, and so littleCorrespondence is carried on, except in franked Letters), will not Supportthe office. Mr. Hazard is now gone Southward, in the Character ofSurveyor of the Post office, and I hope will have as good Success, as helately had eastward, where he has put the office into good order.

    We have no News from Camp, but that the General and Army are ingood Spirits, and begin to feel themselves powerfull. We are anxiouslywaiting for News from abroad, and for my own Part I am apprehensiveof some insidious Maneuvre from Great Britain, to deceive Us into Disunionand then to destroy.

    We want your Industry and Abilities here extreamly. Financiers, Wewant more than Soldiers. The worst Enemy, We have now is Poverty,real Poverty in the Shape of exuberant Wealth. Pray come and help Us,to raise the Value of our Money, and lower the Prices of Things. Withoutthis, We cannot carry on the War. With it, We can make it a Diversion.

    No poor Mortals were ever more perplexed than We have been, withthree Misfortunes at once, any one of which would have been, alone,sufficient to have distressed Us. A Redundancy of the Medium of Exchange.A Diminution of the Quantity, at Markett of the Luxuries, theConveniences and even the Necessaries of Life, and an Increase of theDemand for all these, occasioned by two large Armies in the Country.

    I shall, ever esteam it a Happiness to hear of your Welfare, my dearSir, and a much greater Still to see you, once more in Congress. YourCountry is not yet, quite Secure enough, to excuse your Retreat to theDelights of domestic Life. Yet, for the Soul of me, when I attend to myown Feelings, I cannot blame you. I am, Sir your Friend and most obedientServant,

John Adams

Jefferson to Adams

Albemarle in Virginia. Aug. 21. 1777.

Dear Sir

    Your favor of May 26. came safely to hand. I wish it were in my powerto suggest any remedy for the evil you complain of. Tho' did any occur,I should propose it to you with great diffidence after knowing you hadthought on the subject yourself. There is indeed a fact which may nothave come to your knolege, out of which perhaps some little good maybe drawn. The borrowing money in Europe (or obtaining credit therefor necessaries) has already probably been essayed, and it is supposedwith some degree of success. But I expect your applications have as yetbeen only to France, Holland, or such other states as are of principal note.There is however a smaller power, well disposed to our cause, and, as I aminformed, possessed of abilities to assist us in this way. I speak of theGrand Duke of Tuscany. The little states of Italy you know have hadlong peace and shew no disposition to interrupt that peace shortly. TheGrand Duke being somewhat avaritions in his nature has availed himselfof the opportunity of collecting and hoarding what money he has beenable the gather. I am informed from good authority (an officer [CharlesBellini] who was concerned in the business of his treasury) that aboutthree years ago he had ten millions of crowns lying dead in his coffers.Of this it is thought possible as much might be borrowed as wouldamount to a million of pounds lawful money. At any rate the attemptmight be worth making. Perhaps an application from Dr. Franklin whohas some acquaintance in that court might be sufficient. Or, as it mightbe prudent to sound well before the application, in order to prevent thediscredit of a rebuff, perhaps Congress would think it worth while tosend a special agent there to negotiate the matter. I think we have agentleman here [Philip Mazzei] who would do it with dexterity andfidelity. He is a native of that dutchy, well connected there, conversantin courts, of great understanding, and equal zeal in our cause. He cameover not long since to introduce the cultivation of vines, olives etc. amongus. Should you think the matter worth a further thought, either of theColo. Lees, to whom he is known, can acquaint you more fully of hischaracter. If the money can be obtained in specie, it may be applied toreduce the quantity of circulating paper, and in such a way as to helpthe credit of that which will remain in circulation. If credit alone can beobtained for the manufactures of the country, it will still help us toclothe our armies or to encrease at market the necessaries our people want.

    What upon earth can Howe mean by the manoeuvre he is now practising?There seems to me no object in this country which can either beof utility or reputation to his cause. I hope it will prove of a peice withall the other follies they have committed. The forming a junction withthe Northern army up the Hudson's river, or the taking possession ofPhiladelphia might have been a feather in his cap and given them a littlereputation in Europe. The former as being the design with which theycame. The latter as being a place of the first reputation abroad and theresidence of Congress. Here he may destroy the little hamlet of Williamsburgh,steal a few slaves, and lose half his army among the fens andmarshes of our lower country, or by the heats of our climate. I am DearSir with the greatest esteem Your friend and servt.,

Th: Jefferson

Jefferson to Adams

Wmsbgh. Dec. 17. 1777.

Dear Sir

    Congress will receive by this post our approbation of the Confederation.It passed the house of Delegates on Monday and the Senate on Tuesdaylast. Tho' our house of delegates is almost wholly of those who are trulyzealous, yet there have ever been a few who have endeavored to throwobstructions in our way. Objections to this important instrument cametherefore not unexpectedly. The most difficult articles however were surmountedby the spirit of the house, determined to secure if possible theunion of the states. One objection only, stuck with them. It was urged thatby the 9th. article reserving to congress a power `of entering into treatiesand alliances' with the proviso immediately following that they shouldnot give to foreigners an exemption from such imposts as should be paiableby natives; the congress would have the whole regulation of our trade, andconsequently might grant a monopoly of it: and it was intimated that sucha measure had been in contemplation; and might be given away by thosestates, which have no staple, as the price of commercial privileges to them.Some warm members kindled at this idea, and all seemed to be struckwith it. The advocates however for the confederation insisted that Congresswould have no such power by the confederation: that a power totreat, did not include ex vi termini ["from the force of the expression"] apower to pass away every thing by treaty which might be the subject of atreaty; and consequently no more gave such power over our commercethan over every thing else; that the inference from the proviso was merelyan implication and that congress were by that instrument to derive nopowers by implication or construction, but such only (art. 2) as wereexpressly delegated to them: that by the 2d proviso in the same 9th. clauseallowing each legislature to prohibit the exportation of any article to allplaces, an inference arose in our favor that we might prohibit it to certainplaces, and consequently to the very place making title to the monopoly:that it appeared Congress themselves did not suppose these words gavethem so very ample a power over trade, because in a subsequently part theyreserve in express terms a right of regulating our trade with the Indians.This reasoning removed the difficulty and satisfied the house that the instrumentwould give to congress no such powers. Yet there remains a greatanxiety that an article so important should not be laid down in moreexpress terms, and so as to exclude all possible doubt; and a fear that atsome future day such a power should be assumed. As I am myself ofopinion the instrument gives no such powers, I naturally conclude congresshad them not in contemplation, and consequently that they wouldhave no objections to pass an explanatory vote declaring that the Confederationwill give them no such powers. If the confirming in their affectionsan assembly which have ever witnessed the highest respect forcongress, would be an object with them, I know nothing which wouldproduce that effect more powerfully than such vote passed before the finalratification of the instrument. Knowing your candour I have taken theliberty of mentioning this subject to you, that if you should think itworthy your attention you may favor it with the assistance of yourabilities.

    I greatly fear your requisition of money by quarterly paiments will beimpracticable here. Our counties are so large that an annual collection isas much as we ever attempted to complete. Our people too are quite unaccustomedto be called on oftener than once a year. We are proceedingto make good our numbers in the feild by a draught. I am Dr. Sir withevery sentiment of esteem Your friend and servt.,

Th: Jefferson

Adams to Jefferson

Paris June 29. 1778. [i.e., 1780]

My dear Sir

    Mr. Mazzei, called on me, last Evening, to let me know that he was thismorning at three to Sett off, on his Journey, for Italy. He desired me towrite you, that he has communicated to me the Nature of his Errand: butthat his Papers being lost, he waits for a Commission and Instructions fromyou. That being limited to five Per Cent, and more than that being givenby the Powers of Europe, and indeed having been offered by other Statesand even by the Ministers of Congress, he has little hopes of succeeding atso low an Interest. That he shall however endeavour to prepare the Way,in Italy for borrowing, and hopes to be usefull to Virginia and the UnitedStates.

    I know nothing of this Gentleman, but what I have learned of him here.His great affection for you Mr. Wythe, Mr. Mason, and other choiceSpirits in Virginia, recommended him to me. I know not in what Light heStands in your Part: but here, as far as I have had opportunity to See andhear, he has been usefull to Us. He kept good Company and a good dealof it. He talks a great deal, and was a zealous defender of our Affairs. HisVariety of Languages, and his Knowledge of American affairs, gave himadvantages which he did not neglect.

    What his Success will be in borrowing money, I know not. We areimpatient to learn whether Virginia and the other States have adoptedthe Plan of Finances recommended by Congress on the 18 of March. Ithink We shall do no great Things at borrowing unless that System orsome other, calculated to bring Things to some certain and Steady Standard,Succeeds.

    Before this reaches you, you will have learned, the Circumstances of theInsurrections in England, which discover So deep and So general a discontentand distress, that no wonder the Nation Stands gazing at oneanother, in astonishment, and Horror. To what Extremities their Confusionswill proceed, no Man can tell. They Seem unable to unite in anyPrinciple and to have no Confidence in one another. Thus it is, whenTruth and Virtue are lost: These Surely, are not the People who oughtto have absolute authority over Us. In all Cases whatsoever, this is not thenation which is to bring Us to unconditional Submission.

    The Loss of Charlestown has given a rude Shock to our Feelings. I amdistressed for our worthy Friends in that Quarter. But the Possession ofthat Town must weaken and perplex the Ennemy more than Us.

    By this Time you know more than I do, of the Destination and theoperations of French and Spanish armaments. May they have Success, andgive Us Ease and Liberty, if the English will not give Us Peace. I have theHonour to be with an affectionate Respect, Sir your Frnd and Servt.

Jefferson to Benjamin Franklin, to John Adams, and to John Jay

Virginia Oct. 5. 1781.

Dear Sir

    The bearer hereof Colo. James Monroe who served some time as anofficer in the American army and as such distinguished himself in theaffair of Princetown as well as on other occasions, having resumed hisstudies, comes to Europe to complete them. Being a citizen of this state,of abilities, merit and fortune, and my particular friend, I take the libertyof making him known to you, that should any circumstances render yourpatronage and protection as necessary as they would be always agreeableto him, you may be assured they are bestowed on one fully worthy ofthem.

    He will be able to give you a particular detail of American affairs andespecially of the prospect we have thro' the aid of our father of France,of making captives of Ld. Cornwallis and his army, of the recovery ofGeorgia and South Carolina, and the possibility that Charlestown itselfwill be opened to us. I have the honour to be with the most profoundrespect & esteem, Your Excellency's Most obedient and most humble servt,

Th: Jefferson

Continues...

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Edition details

• Publisher: University North Carolina Pr
• Publication date: 1988
• Language: English
• ISBN 10: 0807842303
• ISBN 13: 9780807842300
• Binding: Paperback
• Number of pages: 690
• Editor: Cappon Lester J.